ENGLISH  OPINION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


BY 

RUTH  ALEXANDER  WILLIAMS 

B.  A.  Rockford  College,  1921 


THESIS 

SUBMITTED  IN  PARTIAL  FULFILLMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS 
FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  MASTER  OF  ARTS  IN  HISTORY 
IN  THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL  OF  THE 
UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS, 

1922 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS 


499005 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


\ 


https://archive.org/details/englishopinionofOOwill 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


I.  INTRODUCTION 1. 

II.  CONTEMPORARY  OPINION  OF  LINCOLN,  THE 

STATESMAN 4 . 

III.  CONTEMPORARY  OPINION  OF  LINCOLN,  THE  MAN  . . 26. 

IV.  THE,  EFFECT  OF  LINCOLN’S  DEATH ' HP ON  ENGLISH 

OPINION 35. 

V.  MODERN  HISTORICAL  AND  LITERARY  TREATMENT 

OF  LINCOLN 47. 

VI.  THE  INFLUENCE  OF  LINCOLN  IN  ENGLAND  TODAY.  . 56. 

VII.  APPENDIX 65. 

VIII.  BIBLIOGRAPHY 69. 


-1 


ENGLISH  OPINION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 
INTRODUCTION 

The  personality  and  character  of  Abraham  Lincoln  have  become 
the  objects  of  such  universal  reverence  in  America,  and  there  has 
grown  up  about  his  name  so  great  a wealth  of  tradition,  that  this 
admiration  and  praise  of  him  have  come  to  be  taken  as  a matter  of 
course.  We  think  of  Lincoln  not  only  as  a man  whose  memory  is 
honored  in  America,  but  we  expect  other  nations  to  grant  him  like 
homage.  It  is  something  of  a shock,  therefore,  to  lovers  of  Lin- 
coln to  realize  that  this  greatness  and  goodness  which  his  follow- 
ers have  attributed  to  him  have  not  always  been  granted  to  him  by 
everyone.  To  be  sure,  it  is  well  known  that  Lincoln  incurred  crit- 
icism during  his  presidency,  but  on  the  whole  in  the  popular  mind 
the  Lincoln  tradition  has  come  to  mean  unqualified  admiration.  If 
the  criticism  of  his  contemporaries  is  considered  at  all,  it  is 
generally  with  the  result  of  ascribing  to  his  critics  lack  of  fore- 
sight and  understanding,  rather  than  as  casting  any  great  reflec- 
tions upon  the  sagacity  of  Lincoln  himself. 

This  state  of  mind  is  not  surprising  when  one  considers  the 
natural  appeal  of  a character  such  as  Lincoln’s  was.  One  cannot 
study  his  life  or  read  his  utterances  without  realizing  that  he 
was  both  a great  and  good  man.  Mere  blind  adulation,  however, 
honors  a man's  worth  less  than  the  calmer  judgment  that  recognizes 
a man's  defects  as  well  as  his  merits. 

English  opinion  of  Lincoln,  then,  offers  great  interest  to 
Americans,  for  it  is  characterized  by  a perspective  impossible  to 
obtain  in  the  land  of  his  birth.  While  the  attitude  of- Englishmen 
was  undoubtedly  colored  by  economic  consequences  of  the  American 


-2- 


Civil  War,  nevertheless  there  are  evidences  of  a more  or  less  dis- 
interested discussion  of  measures  employed  by  Lincoln.  If  we  find 
that  the  verdict  of  Englishmen  has  been  hostile,  it  will  be  of  in- 
terest to  note  what  elements  in  Lincoln's  character  and  policies,  as 
well  as  the  workings  of  their  own  minds,  have  led  them  to  that  con- 
clusion; if  they  have  been  on  the  whole  sympathetic,  their  praise 
will  be  the  more  valuable  since  it  is  given  in  spite  of  encroach- 
ments on  English  interests  by  some  of  the  measures  involved  in  the 
war,  and  since  Englishmen,  while  of  the  same  race  as  Lincoln,  are 
yet  not  of  the  same  land,  and  therefore  lack  the  patriotic  motive 
to  praise  him. 

While  the  writer  has  attempted  to  trace  the  development  of 
English  attitude  toward  Lincoln  down  to  the  present,  the  greater 
emphasis  has  been  laid  upon  contemporary  opinion  as  it  existed  be- 
fore time  had  softened  the  acuteness  of  feeling  prevalent  during 
the  actual  duration  of  the  war.  There  is  no  intention,  however,  c f 
discussing  English  attitude  toward  the  Civil  War  in  general.  The 
consideration  of  English  opinion  will  be  limited,  as  far  as  possible 
to  ideas  expressed  directly  upon  Lincoln's  conduct  of  his  admini- 
stration, yet  it  will  doubtless  be  helpful  to  the  reader  to  remem- 
ber that  there  was  in  England  considerable  hostility  to  the  North. 
This  was  due  in  part  to  the  loss  of  cotton  supply,  as  well  as  to 
the  existence  in  England  of  a group  of  people  concerned  with  the 
government  who  feared  too  great  an  extension  of  democracy  in  Eng- 
land, and  who,  therefore,  would  not  be  displeased  to  see  the  Ameri- 
can experiment  in  republican  government  end  in  disaster.  Many  also 
favored  the  South  because  of  ignorance  or  misunderstanding  of  the 
real  nature  of  the  issues  involved.  On  the  other  hand  it  must  be 
remembered  that  the  working  classes  together  with  prominent  men  of 


-3- 


liberal  ideals  were  in  sympathy  with  the  North.  Of  this  latter 
class  Richard  Cobden  and  John  Bright  are  the  most  outstanding  ex- 
amples. It  is  also  true  that  on  the  whole  the  government  main- 
tained its  neutrality,  with  one  or  two  notable  exceptions  such  as 
the  case  of  the  Alabama,  while  its  refusal  to  recognize  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  South  was  undoubtedly  a blow  to  the  Confederates. 
With  these  general  tendencies  of  thought  in  England  as  a background, 
the  discussion  of  the  first  chapter  will  proceed  directly  to  the 
consideration  of  opinions  of  Lincoln's  policies  and  abilities  as  a 
statesman. 


CHAPTER  I. 


-4- 

CONTEMPORARY  OPINION  OF  LINCOLN,  THE  STATESMAN. 

When  Lincoln  was  elected  to  the  presidency  of  the  United 
States,  his  name  meant  little  to  the  English  public  in  general. 

Keen  as  was  the  interest  in  the  impending  crisis  in  America,  the 
emphasis  was  chiefly  upon  events  rather  than  upon  the  personality 
of  the  man  who  was  to  guide  his  country  through  the  distressing 
years  of  civil  war.  As  James  Spence  declared  in  his  analysis,  to 
the  South  the  election  of  Lincoln  represented  the  determination  of 
the  North  to  act  upon  the  question  of  slavery  in  disregard  of  the 
constitution  which  protected  it;  the  Southerner  foresaw  political 
extinction,  destruction  of  his  property,  and  ruin  of  his  state,  as 
well  as  danger  to  his  life;  consequently  he  had  every  incentive  to 
the  strongest  feelings  and  to  resolute  action.  In  the  words  of 
Spence,  "Looking  at  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  from  a European 
point  of  view,  it  was  an  ordinary,  an  insignificant  event;  looking 
at  it  as  seen  by  the  Southerner,  it  was  the  knell  of  the  departing 
independence  and  welfare  of  his  portion  of  the  continent . 

After  Lincoln  had  been  plunged  into  the  conduct  of  the  Civil 
War  with  its  increasing  effect  upon  British  manufacturing  interests, 
it  was  not  surprising  that  those  who  were  affected  in  England  should 
be  anxious  for  the  war  to  cease,  and  consequently  were  not  very 
sympathetic  with  Lincoln's  determination  to  crush  the  rebellion. 

The  early  failures  of  the  North  made  it  easy  for  the  English  people 
to  charge  the  government  with  mismanagement  in  carrying  on  the  war. 
From  the  latter  part  of  1861  comments  upon  Lincoln's  incapacity  be- 
came ever  more  frequent. 

1 

Spence,  The  American  Union,  107. 


-5- 

Naturally  interest  was  displayed  in  Lincoln's  attitude  on  the 
Trent  Affair  which  brought  a crisis  in  the  relations  between  the  two 
countries.  While  different  shades  of  opinion  were  expressed,  most 
of  them  were  unfavorable,  although  it  was  conceded  that  his  position 
was  somewhat  difficult.  Trollope  in  his  discussion  grants  that  if 
Lincoln  had  disavowed  the  deed  of  Wilkes  immediately  and  declared 
the  intention  of  releasing  the  men  unasked,  a great  clamour  wrould 
have  been  raised,  but  he  charges  Lincoln  with  assuming  responsi- 
bility when  he  sent  forward  a report  of  Secretary  belles  expressing 
approval.^  A more  sympathetic  statement  was  that  found  in  the 
Economist  which  prophesied  that  Lincoln  would  consult  the  Supreme 

Court,  for  with  England  before  him  and  the  mob  behind  him,  one  or 
the  other  of  which  he  must  brave, "even  the  most  courageous  states- 
man might  naturally  welcome  a seasonable  shelter."* i 2 3 4  The  Times,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  extremely  hostile.  Surprise  was  manifested 
that  after  Congress  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  had  expressed 
approval,  Lincoln’s  government  should  have  felt  itself  strong 
enough  to  avoid  a war  with  England  by  a concession.  Seward's  des- 
patch was  criticized  severely  as  indescribably  verbose  and  arrogant 
towards  England.^  Hostile  references  to  the  affair  appeared 
throughout  the  remainder  of  the  month,  until  on  January  30  the  ar- 
rival of  Mason  and  Slidell  in  England  was  noted.  It  may  be  that 
some  of  these  articles  were  in  the  mind  of  Henry  Adams  when  he 

i 

wrote  that  "The  Trent  affair  passed  like  a snowstorm,"  leaving  the 

American  legation  still  in  its  place,  while  he  as  private  secretary 

to  his  father,  the  American  ambassador  to  England,  continued  to  do 

2 

Trollope,  North  America,  II.  45-46. 

3 

Quoted  in  The  Times,  Dec.  30,  1861. 

4 

Ibid. , Jan.  14,  1862. 


-6- 

his  work  and  "to  read  newspaper  accounts  of  the  incapacity  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  the  brutality  of  Mr.  Seward."5 

A few  especially  stinging  comments  of  this  period  on  the  gen- 
eral incapacity  of  Lincoln  are  worthy  of  note.  In  a comment  upon 
England’s  refusal  to  join  in  French  mediation  it  was  declared  that 
without  such  intervention  the  war  must  last  twenty  years  unless  a 
revolution  in  the  North  should  hurl  Lincoln  from  power  before  the 
end  of  his  period  of  office,  and  place  a man  at  the  head  of  the 
government  "with  sufficient  brains,  honesty,  and  patriotism  to  re- 
cognize the  independence  of  the  South  as  the  best  arrangement  for 
both  parties,  and  stop  the  horrible  effusion  of  blood  and  the 
fiendish  overflow  of  passions  the  war  has  excited."  The  year  1862 
was  characterized  as  having  witnessed  the  occurrence  of  a series  of 

n 

misfortunes  and  mistakes  which  had  no  parallel  in  history. 

The  height  of  hostile  comment  was  reached  in  a charge  of  in- 
consistency of  Lincoln  in  the  words,  "among  the  marvels  and  para- 
doxes of  the  American  Revolution  there  is  none  greater  than  the 
part  played  by  President  Lincoln  himself.  That  such  a man  should 
have  been  called  upon  to  guide  the  destinies  of  a mighty  nation 
during  a grand  historical  crisis  is  surely  enough,  but  that  he 
should  have  blundered  and  vacillated  as  he  has,  without  for  a mom- 
ent losing  confidence  in  himself,  or  altogether  forfeiting  that  of 
his  countrymen,  is  stranger  still.  His  language  on  the  great 
questions  at  issue  has  varied  so  much  at  different  times  as  to  show 
that  he  can  never  have  had  anything  worthy  of  being  called  a policy, 

5 

Education  of  Henry  Adams,  121. 

6 

The  Times,  Dec.  10,  1862. 

7 

Ibid. , Dec.  29,  1862. 


-7- 


unless  it  be  that  which  he  described  in  the  wisest  of  all  his  homely 
sayings  as  a resolution  to  ’keep  pegging  away’.”8 

Besides  these  more  general  conclusions  on  the  relative  merits 
of  Lincoln  as  an  executive,  his  management  of  military  affairs  was 
called  into  question.  In  judging  the  capabilities  of  officers 
Lincoln  was  declared  to  be  inferior  to  Davis.  It  was  felt  that  he 
had  a sense  of  responsibility  for  his  generals,  but  that  when  he  did 
realize  that  they  were  incompetent,  his  good  nature  prevented  him 
from  removing  them  promptly,  and  kept  him  loyal  to  them  even  when 
they  were  severely  criticized.9 

Another  matter  which  did  not  escape  attention  was  the  opposi- 
tion with  which  Lincoln  had  to  deal  in  his  cabinet.  The  ambitions 
of  Seward  and  the  disrespect  for  Lincoln  held  by  other  cabinet  mem- 
bers were  faithfully  reported  to  The  Times  by  the  New  York  Corres- 
pondent. The  comment  was  not  entirely  derogatory,  for  in  one  in- 
stance Lincoln’s  handling  of  the  different  factions  was  described 
as  being  carried  on  with  a dexterity  failing  to  confirm  the  titles 

„ tt  10 

of  idiot  or  half-witted  fellow  attributed  to  him  by  some  journals. 

Punch  showed  its  appreciation  of  the  situation  in  verse  pur- 
porting to  be  from  Secretary  Seward  to  Earl  Russell. 

8 

The  Times,  Sept.  17,  1863.  For  other  criticisms  see  ibid. , Aug.  22, 
1&62  and  Feb.  4,  1863,  and  for  those  referring  to  the  Vallandigham 
case,  June  1,  15,  and  18,  1863. 

9 

For  Lincoln’s  relation  to  his  officers  see  The  Times,  June  26, 

1863,  July  13,  1863,  and  Oct.  20,  1852;  Moore,  Rebellion  Record, 

II.  120-121;  and  Smith  in  Macmillan,  IX.  305,  Feb.  1855. 

10 

The  Times,  Nov.  13,  1863.  On  this  subject  see  also  Jan.  9,  1863, 
March  9,  and  11,  1864. 


-8- 


"This  terrible  tussle, 

The  waste  of  blood,  muscle. 

And  treasure.  Lord  Russell, 

With  sorrow  you  see, 

While  letters  voluminous, 

Reprimands-  numerous , 

And  Lincoln  so  humorous, 

Are  too  much  for  me. 

"From  Halleck’s  aridity, 

Cass  Clay's  acidity, 

Stanton’s  stupidity, 

Fain  would  I flee. 

I hate  a Democracy, 

Adore  aristocracy, 

Is  this  base  hypocrisy? 

Fiddle-de-dee . 

Lincoln’s  messages  in  their  political  aspects  received  their 
full  share  of  comment  by  The  Times  which  throughout  the  war  found 
little  to  praise  in  any  phase  of  Lincoln’s  administration.  The 
message  of  December  1862  was  deemed  important  chiefly  because  of  the 
high  position  Lincoln  held,  for  he  was  said  to  belong  to  that  "very 
ordinary  class  of  mortals  for  whose  opinion  we  should  feel  little 
curiosity  if  he  stood  on  plain  ground  with  other  men.”^  "Resembl- 
ing the  report  of  a lost  battle"  was  the  description  accorded  the 
message  of  1863  which  was  declared  inferior  in  style  and  language 
to  that  of  Davis,  who,  said  The  Times,  spoke  of  the  war  without 
despondency,  but  with  feeling  creditable  to  his  humanity,  while  the 
lack  of  such  sentiment  in  Lincoln’s  message  rendered  it  one  of  "the 
most  cold-blooded  political  documents  ever  published." 

Lincoln  was  given  credit  for  being  candid  and  fair  in  the 
message  of  1864,  but  it  was  said  to  fail  in  inspiring  hope.'*-' 

11 

Punch,  Feb.  14,  1863. 

12 

The  Times,  Dec.  16,  1862. 

13 

Ibid.,  Dec.  21,  and  23,  1863. 

14 


Ibid, , Dec.  22,  1864. 


-9- 


The  phases  of  opinion  thus  far  noted  have  been  judgments  of  a 
more  or  less  general  character  upon  Lincoln's  conduct  in  office. 
Certain  specific  policies  elicited  comments  which  give  an  insight 
into  the  way  Englishmen  looked  upon  the  methods  used  by  Lincoln  in 
solving  his  problems.  At  the  very  outset,  of  course,  was  the  ques- 
tion as  to  whether  Lincoln  was  right  in  claiming  that  the  South 
could  not  secede  from  the  Union.  Opinions  on  this  matter  varied 
somewhat.  W.  H.  Russell  stated  that  secession  was  an  accomplished 
fact  months  before  Lincoln  came  into  office.  Indeed  he  was  of  the 
opinion  that  many  people  in  t he  North  were  willing  to  accept  a 
separation  of  the  North  and  South  into  two  separate  states. 

A belief  in  the  right  of  secession,  with  a rather  interesting 
application  is  found  in  Spence's  discussion  of  the  question.  He 
mentions  the  fact  that  those  who  argue  against  secession  ask  how  the 
English  government  would  like  Ireland  to  secede.  His  reply  is,  "If 
Ireland  were  a slave-holding  country,  we  should  not  only  approve  of 
her  seceding,  but  insist  upon  it."  In  the  light  of  the  long 
struggle  of  Ireland  for  independence  it  is  difficult  to  imagine 
England  insisting  upon  her  withdrawal  on  any  grounds,  but  Spence 
thought  England  would  have  first  endeavored  to  induce  Ireland  to 
alter  her  slave  system,  (if  she  should  have  such  a system);  if  she 
refused,  no  profit  or  advantage  would  induce  England  to  maintain 
such  a partnership.  He  then  points  out  that  the  argument  was  not 
pertinent  to  England,  for  she  had  never  proclaimed  the  sovereignty 
of  the  people  there,  nor  taught  them  that  government  rests  upon  the 
consent  of  the  governed,  and  may  be  abolished  when  no  longer  pro- 

15 

Russell's  Diary , 355. 

June,  1861,  exact  date  not  given. 


! 


-10- 


1 6 

moting  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

In  contrast  to  these  views  are  opinions  of  those  who  held 
that  Lincoln  was  right  in  attempting  to  crush  the  secession  move- 
ment as  rebellion.  An  example  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  the  London 
Economist  in  April  1861.  Fhile  disclaiming  all  attempts  to  pass 
judgment  on  the  wisdom  or  folly  of  the  war,  or  on  the  ability  of 
the  North  to  enforce  its  point,  this  article  clearly  states  that 
there  was  no  question  whatever  as  to  the  constitutional  right  of 
President  Lincoln  to  treat  the  confederation  as  a treasonable  re- 
bellion, and  to  resist  it  by  force  if  it  encroached  on  Federal  pro- 

17 

perty  and  laws. 

In  his  chapters  on  the  war  Anthony  Trollope  gives  perhaps  as 
thorough  a discussion  of  the  secession  question  as  can  be  found  in 
English  contemporary  thought.  He  shows  insight  into  the  situation 
by  proclaiming  slavery  rather  than  secession  as  an  abstract  princi- 
ple as  the  real  cause  of  the  war.  Secession  itself  he  declared  ab- 
solutely unconstitutional,  and  contrary  to  the  intention  of  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  who  were  trying  to  erect  a more  effec- 
tive government  than  that  existing  under  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion which  left  each  state  sovereign,  free,  and  independent.  This 
view  is  interesting  to  students  of  American  political  philosophy 
who  know  of  the  great  struggle  over  state  sovereignty  in  the  fed- 
eral convention,  and  later  in  the  fight  for  ratification  of  the 
constitution.  To  Trollope  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States 
was  an  unjustifiable  rebellion.  Not  only  did  he  think  Lincoln 
16 

Spence,  The  American  Union,  211-212. 

17 

Quoted  in  Moore’s  Rebellion  Record  I.  230. 


-11- 


right  in  coercing  the  South,  but  in  his  opinion  Lincoln  could  not 
have  failed  to  do  so  without  being  the  most  dishonest  politician 
in  America  in  neglecting  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  those  who  had 
elected  him.  "it  is  easy  to  say  now,"  writes  Trollope,  "that  ac- 
quiescence in  secession  would  have  been  better  than  war,  but  there 
was  no  moment  when  he  could  have  said  so  with  any  avail.  It  was 

incumbent  for  him  to  put  down  rebellion,  or  to  be  put  down  by  it. 

18 

So  it  was  with  us  in  America  in  1776." 

Another  question  which  caused  a great  deal  of  discussion  in 
America  did  not  pass  by  unnoticed  in  England,  that  is,  Lincoln's 
suspension  of  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus . As 
might  be  expected.  The  Times  was  quick  to  blame,  Lincoln  was  said 
to  be  employing  a very  forced  and  unnatural  construction  of  the 
constitution.  Thankfulness  was  expressed  that  the  chief  magistrate 
of  England,  Queen  though  she  was,  did  not  dream  of  claiming  such  a 
power,  which  should  be  left  to  the  legislature.  "There  are  not 
wanting,"  sneered  The  Times,  "as  there  were  not  wanting  in  the 
reigns  of  our  own  Charles  I,  Charles  II,  and  James  II  mercenary 
sophists  ready  to  postulate  their  legal  ingenuity  in  defense  of 
tyranny  and  arbitrary  power. Legal  opinions  have  been  pro- 

cured which  give  to  the  power  of  making  war  a construction  at  which 
the  founders  of  the  American  Republic  would • shudder 

The  complete  suspension  of  the  privilege  of  the  writ  wras 
called  the  most  astounding  of  all  outrages  perpetrated  upon  a free 
people,  for  "to  assert  that  because  Maryland  is  dangerous,  there- 
18 

Trollope,  North  America,  I.  440.  For  his  views  on  secession  see 
especially  i . £76-277", '”434-440 , and  II.  59-82. 

19 

The  Times,  Sept.  16,  1922. 


-12- 

fore  the  rights  of  California,  three  thousand  miles  away  are  to  be 

sacrificed  is  on  the  face  of  it  an  absurdity."  The  act  was  attri- 

20 

buted  to  fear  of  the  success  of  Vallandigham  in  Ohio. 

The  hostility  of  the  press  towards  this  measure  was  censured 
by  a writer  in  the  London  Quarterly  Review  a year  after  the  close 
of  the  war.  "Never,"  he  states,  "did  so  large  a part  of  the  press 
of  this  great  country  show  itself  so  blindly,  so  heartlessly  par- 
tial. It  has  since  universally  approved  of  the  suspension  of  the 
habeas  corpus  in  Canada  and  in  Ireland  under  circumstances  fully 
justifying  the  measure,  but  far  less  extreme,  for  the  Eritish  em- 
pire has  little  to  fear  from  the  wild  enterprises  of  the  "Fenian, 
but  when  America  was  rent  from  east  to  west,  struggling  for  nation- 
al existence  in  the  fiercest  civil  war  that  history  has  recorded, 
our  journalists  lifted  up  their  hands  in  horror  if  the  guarantees 
of  individual  liberty  did  not  remain  the  same  as  in  times  of  peace 
and  public  order. 

William  H.  Russell  and  Anthony  Trollope  both  felt  that  Lin- 
coln had  exceeded  his  constitutional  authority,  and  that  he  was  em- 
ploying a measure  very  destructive  to  freedom.  Trollope  thought, 
however,  that  Lincoln  might  have  derived  such  power  from  the  fact 
that  the  Union  as  such  no  longer  existed,  and  hence  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  the  power  "whether  it  be  given  him  by  the  law  or  no."  Yet  it 
seemed  evident  to  Trollope  that  Lincoln  had  committed  a breach  a- 
gainst  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  constitution  which  was  aimed  to 
guard  the  liberties  of  the  people.  Since  the  statement  concerning 
20 

The  Times,  Oct.  9,  1863,  and  similarly  in  Sent.  30,  1863. 

21 

London  Quarterly  Review,  XXVI.  292,  July  1866. 


part  of  the  constitution  enumerating  the 
the  suspension  was  found  in  thg/powers  of  Congress,  he  felt  that  it 

was  monstrous  to  hold  that  this  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  ex- 
22 

ecutive . 

The  attitude  of  the  English  government  was  made  clear  by 
Earl  Russell  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  answer  to  the  Earl  of  Carn- 
avon,  who  brought  up  the  case  of  a British  subject  who  had  been 
imprisoned  in  America.  Russell  explained  that  the  belief  in  Eng- 
land that  the  suspension  had  been  irregular  was  a natural  misappre- 
hension due  to  ignorance  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 
In  England  since  the  writ  depended  upon  an  act  of  Parliament,  its 
suspension  also  depended  upon  an  act  of  Parliament,  but  in  America 
no  such  act  was  necessary.  Although  the  constitution  left  vague 
the  authority  by  which  the  writ  might  be  suspended,  it  had  been 
assumed  that  such  power  should  reside  in  the  President  and  the 
Secretary  of  State  acting  under  his  orders.  While  Russell  depre- 
cated the  necessity  of  resorting  to  such  measures,  he  felt  that 

the  condition  of  danger  warranted  unusual  means  of  dealing  with  the 

23 

great  civil  war. 

One  of  Lincoln’s  measures  which  aroused  even  more  comment 
was  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  This  involved  a question  which 
appealed  to  the  people  of  England,  a country  which  had  not  only 
freed  her  own  slaves,  but  had  also  been  most  zealous  in  striving 
to  effect  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  Indeed  the  United 
States  had.  even  been  censured  by  Viscount  Palmerston  in  the  House 
22 

For  Trollope’s  view  see  his  North  America,  I.  279-281,  and  II. 
276-282.  Russell's  statement  is  in  his  Diary,  63  and  550. 

April  5,  1861,  Oct.  8,  1861. 

23 

3 Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  CLXV.  418-423. 


-14 


of  Commons  for  failing  to  render  England  the  assistance  which  was 

24 

to  be  expected  in  this  regard.  ' It  would  not  be  unreasonable  to 
expect  considerable  sympathy  for  Lincoln  when  he  issued  his  pro- 
clamation, but  in  many  cases  this  appreciation  was  entirely  lack- 
ing. It  was  pronounced  by  the  Saturday  Review  to  be  mischievous 
and  reckless,  and  "the  most  extravagant  outrage  on  justice  and 
common  sense  which  has  been  perpetrated  even  during  the  present 
struggle. 

Horsman,  rrember  of  Parliament  from  the  town  of  Stroud,  when 

speaking  in  the  House  of  Commons,  denounced  it  as  "one  of  the  most 

atrocious  crimes  against  the  laws  of  civilization  and  humanity 

which  the  world  has  ever  seen,"  and  expressed  astonishment  that 

any  Englishman  could  contemplate  the  proclamation  with  feelings 

other  than  those  of  sorrow  and  indignation.  While  he  admitted 

slavery  to  be  a crime,  he  considered  it  worse  "to  incite  a negro 

to  achieve  his  freedom  by  a carnival  of  crime,"  and  expressed  his 

belief  that  the  proclamation  would  destroy  every  chance  of  English 

26 

sympathy  with  the  North. 

Typical  of  its  attitude  toward  Lincoln  was  the  tirade  of 
abuse  issuing  from  The  Times,  which  merits  quotation  in  part  not 
only  since  it  shows  how  far  the  editor  was  willing  to  go  in  con- 
demnation of  Lincoln,  but  because  the  policy  of  which  this  editor- 
ial is  typical  provoked  censure  by  English  writers.  Lincoln's 
assertion  that  he  would  not  repress  the  efforts  of  the  slaves  to 
free  themselves  was  taken  to  mean  that  he  was  desirous  of  exciting 

a servile  war.  The  Times  expresses  its  conviction  in  this  graphic 

24 

3 Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  CLXI.  985.  Apr.  24,  1863. 

25 

Saturday  Review,  Jan.  17,  1863. 

26 


3 Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  CLXX.  743 


-15- 


way,  "He  will  appeal  to  the  black  blood  of  the  African;  he  will 
whisper  of  the  pleasures  of  spoil  and  of  the  gratification  of  yet 
fiercer  instincts;  and  when  blood  begins  to  flow  and  shrieks  come 
piercing  through  the  darkness,  Mr.  Lincoln  will  wait  till  the  ris- 
ing flames  tell  that  all  is  consummated,  and  then  he  will  rub  his 
hands  and  think  that  revenge  is  sweet Mr.  Lincoln  avows  there- 

fore, that  he  proposes  to  excite  the  negroes  of  the  Southern 
plantations  to  murder  the  families  of  their  masters  while  these  are 
engaged  in  the  war.  The  conception  of  such,  a crime  is  horrible. 

The  employment  of  Indians  sinks  to  a level  with  civilized  warfare 
in  comparison  with  it;  the  most  detestable  doctrines  of  Mazzini 
are  almost  less  atrocious;  even  Mr.  Lincoln’s  own  recent  achieve- 
ments of  burning  by  gunboats  the  defenceless  villages  on  the 
Mississippi  are  dwarfed  by  this  giganitc  wickedness.....  Mr.  Lin- 
coln by  this  proclamation  constitutes  himself  a sort  of  moral  Amer- 
ican. Pope.  He  claims  to  sell  indulgences  to  his  own  votaries,  and 
he  offers  them  with  full  hands  to  all  who  will  fall  down  and  wor- 
ship him.  It  is  his  to  bind,  and  it  is  his  to  loose.  His  decree 
of  emancipation  is  to  go  into  remote  states,  where  his  temporal 
power  cannot  be  made  manifest,  and  where  no  stars  and  stripes  are 

to  be  seen;  and  in  those  distant  swamps  he  is,  by  a sort  of  Yankee 

?7 

excommunication,  to  lay  the  land  under  a slavery  interdict." 

Among  those  who  censured  this  severe  criticism  of  The  Times 
was  Cairnes  who  called  these  comments  very  unjust. Henry  Adams, 
however,  found  some  encouragement  in  the  harsh  attitude  of  this 

27 

The  Times , Oct.  6 and  7,  1862.  See  also  Oct.  13,  1862,  Dec.  16 
and  17,  T862,  and  Jan.  7 and  15,  1863. 

28 

Cairnes,  Political  Essays,  98-99.  For  similar  comments  see  Rogers 
Speeches  of"  'Bright 'TI  IH6,  and  Ludlow,  President  Lincoln  Self- 
portrayed , TD9.  TEe  last  named  reference  does  not  refer  particu- 
larly to  the  criticism  of  emancipation. 


-16- 

paper  which,  he  wrote,  "scolds  like  a drunken  drab.....  But  The 
Times  is  on  its  last  legs  and  has  lost  its  temper.  They  say  it 
always  does  lose  its  temper  when  it  finds  such  a feeling  (the 
popular  reaction  in  favor  of  emancipation)  too  strong  for  it,  and 
its  next  step  will  be  to  come  around  and  try  to  guide  it."  Adams 
felt  that  the  proclamation  had  done  more  for  the  Northern  cause  in 
England  than  all  former  victories  and  diplomacy, for  it  had  caused 
an  almost  convulsive  reaction  among  the  people  of  England.  He 
tells  of  meetings,  addresses  to  Lincoln,  deputations  to  the  Ameri- 
can legation,  and  standing  committees  to  agitate  the  question.  He 
adds  that  these  symptons  of  a great  popular  movement  were  unpleas- 
ant to  the  upper  classes  because  they  rested  upon  the  spontaneous 
action  of  the  laboring  classes  in  sympathy  with  republicanism.^ 
The  addresses  mentioned  by  Henry  Adams  came  chiefly  from 
workingmen’s  and  anti-slavery  associations.  All  expressed  similar 
ideas  in  sending  sympathy  to  Lincoln  in  abolishing  slavery,  and 
conveying  their  approval  of  Lincoln’s  emancipation  policy.  They 
seemed  to  fee,l  that  the  struggle  in  America  was  in  some  way  akin 
to  their  own  efforts  to  better  their  condition.  In  commenting 
upon  these  meetings  Bright  said  he  thought  in  every  town  in  the 

29 

Cycle  of  Adams’  Letters,  edited  by  W.  C.  Ford,  I.  243.  Henry 
Adams  to  C.  F.  Adams,  Junior.  Jan.  23,  1853.  For  the  attitude 
of  Delane,  the  editor  of  The  Times,  see  Atkins,  The  Life  of  Sir 
William  Howard  Russell,  II.  92. 

30 

For  some  of  these  addresses  see  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of 
the  United  States,  39  Cong.,  1 Sess.,  pt.  I.,  41-48,  63-64,  71- 
72,  83,  89-90,  320.  Also  39  Cong.,  3 Sess.,  pt.  I.,  261-262. 
Senate  Documents  49  and  50,  37  Cong.,  3 Sess.  give  several  more. 
Moore's  Rebellion  Record,  VI.  344-345  gives  the  address  from  the 
citizens  of  Manchester,  and  420-421  gives  Lincoln’s  reply. 


. 


-17- 

kingdom  a public  meeting  would  go  by  an  overwhelming  majority  in 
favor  of  President  Lincoln  and  the  North.  He  added  a hope  that 

these  meetings  might  have  an  effect  upon  the  Cabinet  and  Parlia- 

. 31 
ment . 

Thus  the  working  classes  were  not  alone  in  their  sympathy 
with  Lincoln.  Cairnes  called  the  proclamation  a grand  achievement 
and  one  hopeful  for  the  history  of  mankind.  He  explained  that 
Lincoln's  statement  when  he  assumed  office,  that  he  did  not  intend 
to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  already  existed,  had  arrested 
the  flow  of  public  sentiment  favorable  to  the  North,  for  the  people 
assumed  that  the  war  was  not  connected  with  slavery.  Consequently 
Cairnes  approved  of  the  proclamation,  making  it  evident  that  Lin- 
coln was  concerned  with  the  abolition  of  slavery.  The  suggestion 
regarding  compensated  emancipation  he  regarded  as  being  one  of  the 

wisest  and  most  important  questions  ever  submitted  to  a legisla- 
32 

tive  body. 

Richard  Cobden  was  one  of  those  who  believed  the  abolition 
of  slavery  to  be  a necessity.  Any  compromise  on  that  question 
would,  he  thought,  cover  the  cause  with  external  infamy,  and  render 
the  civil  war  which  had  desolated  the  North  and  South  a "useless 
butchery. " 33 

His  testimony  is  added  to  that  of  Cairnes  in  showing  the 
generally  advantageous  effect  of  allowing  the  issuing  of  the  pro- 

31 

Trevelyan,  Life  of  John  Bright,  321.  Bright  to  Summer  Jan.  30, 
1363. 

32 

Cairnes,  The  Slave  Power,  Preface  XXX.  and  332,  and  Political 
Essays,  90-02 . 

33 

Morley,  Life  of  Richard  Cobden,  II.  451.  Cobden  to  Sumner, 

Feb.  13, “18637 


-18- 

clamation. 

Nevertheless  it  was  due  to  these  measures  of  Lincoln  that  he 
was  not  infrequently  accused  of  employing  unconstitutional  means  to 
effect  his  policies.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  The  Times  dubbed 
his  every  deed  "unconstitutional."  In  one  of  his  despatches  to 
the  American  ambassador  at  Paris  Seward  called  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States  a sacred  instrument,  whereupon  the  remark  was 
immediately  made,  "it  has  certainly  not  been  sacred  to  him  or  Mr. 
Lincoln,  for  both  of  them  have  trodden  it  under  foot."5'^ 

Punch  had  its  contribution  to  make  to  this  phase  of  opinion 
of  Lincoln,  for  it  noted  that  Lincoln  had  been  granted  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Laws  by  a college  of  New  Jersey.  This  was  said  to  be 
the  stroke  of  irony  after  the  way  in  which  Lincoln  had  dealt  with 
the  laws  and  constitution.  "The  military  government  exercised  by 
Mr.  Lincoln,"  said  Punch,  "will  perhaps  procure  from  some  other 
equally  learned  and  complimentary  body  the  honorary  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Civil  Law."u6 

On  the  other  hand  Goldwin  Smith  and  John  Bright  both  describe* 
Lincoln  as  being  constitutional  in  all  his  act3.°^  Bright’s  loy- 
alty to  Lincoln  brought  him.  not  a little  censure  from  the  British 
press.  The  Times  believed  that  few  men  would  agree  with  Cobden 
and  Bright  in  considering  the  election  of  Lincoln,  a man  poorly 
trained  for  office,  as  proof  of  the  excellence  of  American  insti- 

34 

Morley,  Life  of  Bichard  Cobden,  II.  403-404. 

Cobden  to  Sumner,  web.  13,  1863 . 

35 

The  Times,  Feb.  27,  1863.  Similar  charges  are  made  Aug.  25, 

1S62  and  Oct.  5,  1863. 

36 

Punch,  Jan,  21,  1865. 

37 

Rogers,  Speeches  of  Bright,  I.  190.  Smith’s  view  is  in  Macmillan' 
Magazine , XI.  302. 


-19- 

tutions;  more  would  hold  that  thanks  should  be  given  that  in  such 

7 0 

hands  the  state  had  hitherto  escaped  total  destruction.'  The 

brief  comment  of  Punch  on  Bright's  attitude  is  suggestive,  "To  get 

a cheerful  view  of  affairs  in  the  United  States  only  look  at  them 

39 

from  the  Bright  side."  There  is  no  doubt  that  Bright  felt  a per- 
sonal interest  in  Lincoln  and  his  cause.  In  his  Journal  he  men- 
tions a call  upon  an  American  woman  in  these  words,  "Not  a very 
pleasant  visit;  boasting  of  her  loyalty  to  her  country  but  loud  in 
her  abuse  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  all  connected  with  his  government.  I 
told  her  such  language  was  offensive  to  us  from  an  Englishman,  and 
I did  not  wish  to  hear  it  from  an  American."4^ 

Bright's  views  were  rather  exceptional  among  the  greater 
number  of  people  who  held  that  Lincoln  was  an  arbitrary  ruler.  It 
is  only  fair  to  admit  that  Lincoln  did  undoubtedly  assume  unusual 
powers.  One  of  the  things  which  seemed  to  impress  English  minds 
with  particular  emphasis  was  Lincoln's  security  of  tenure  of  office 
due  to  the  fixed  nature  of  the  four  year  presidential  term.  One 
finds  frequently  such  phrases  as  "The  American  President  is  an 
autocrat  for  four  years,"  " The  President  of  the  Federal  States  is 
as  absolute  during  his  four  years  as  an  Emperor  elected  for  life," 
the  description  of  Lincoln  as  "the  quadrennial  despot  who  fills 
the  President's  chair,"  and  the  statement  that  Lincoln  "being  an 
elected  President,  more  absolute  during  his  four  years  in  office 
than  any  king  or  emperor  in  the  world,  and  not  being  a constitu- 

38 

The  Times,  Nov.  28,  1863. 

39 

Punch,  Jan.  4,  1862. 

40 

Trevelyan,  Life  of  John  Bright,  324. 

From  Journal  June  1~,  1864. 


-20- 

tional  King,  did  not  have  to  remember  the  unpleasant  consequences 

that  have  followed  in  other  countries  when  the  king  and  the  people 

,.41 

took  different  sides.’ 

Many  expressions  are  to  be  found  that  Lincoln  exercised  his 
power  arising  from  security  of  office  in  a tyrannical  fashion.  It 
was  predicted  that  Northerners  would  forgive  Lincoln  all  his  other 
shortcomings  and  absurdities  if  he  c ould  manage  to  play  the  tyrant 
so  as  to  give  them  victory  over  all  their  enemies.  ’’Martial  Law, 
irresponsible  rule,  and  summary  justice  is  what  these  descendants 
of  Franklin  and  the  Adamses  are  crying  out  for.“  " Indeed,  Mrs. 
Lincoln  was  described  as  being  loyal  to  her  family  and  "Lincoln  the 

4'< 

First."  Similarly  an  American  writer  accusing  Lincoln  of  having 
rebelled  against  the  only  true  sovereign,  ’’the  majesty  of  the  peo- 
ple,” was  given  hearty  endorsement  by  The  Times  which  declared  this 

. 44 

critic  to  be  far  ahead  of  his  countrymen. 

Yet  the  belief  in  Lincoln's  tyranny  was  not  universal  in 
England.  Goldwin  Smith  who  had  an  interview  with  Lincoln  testified 
”No  calumny,  to  all  appearances  can  be  more  grotesque  than  that 
which  charges  Mr.  Lincoln  with  aiming  at  arbitrary  power.  Judging 
from  all  that  he  says  and  does,  no  man  can  be  more  deeply  imbued 
with  reverence  for  liberty  and  law,  or  more  sincerely  desirous  of 
identifying  h5 s name  with  the  preservation  of  free  institutions.” 

41 

The  Times , Nov.  17,  1862  and  Feb.  4,  1863.  Trollope,  North  Amer- 
ica, rn  307-308.  Russell's  Diary,  307.  Aug.  26,  1861. 

42. 

The  Times,  June  4,  1863. 

43 

Russell's  Diary,  567,  Nov.  3,  1861. 

44 

Hon.  Genjamin  Wood,  quoted  in  The  Times  June  17,  1862.  Lincoln 
was  hailed  as  a dictator  by  The  "Times  May  27,  1863,  and  Oct.  10, 
1862;  Puhch  Sept.  26,  1863  and  Nov.  28,  1863. 


-21 


Smith  describes  his  entrance  into  the  room  of  the  ^resident  simply 

through  an  ante  room  with  no  formality  ».nd  no  guard,  and  tells  how 

he  thought,  “if  this  man  is  really  a tyrant  worse  than  Robespierre, 

45 

he  must  have  great  confidence  in  rhe  long-sufferance  of  his  kind." 

The  discussion  thus  far  has  shown  varied  opinion  of  Lincoln 
and  the  policies  of  his  first  administration,  un  the  whole  criti- 
cism and  censure  have  outweighed  the  words  of  praise.  When  the 
question  regarding  his  re-election  arose,  considerable  interest  was 
manifested  in  England.  Luring  the  early  months  of  1864  The  Times 
on  numerous  occasions  expressed  disapproval  at  the  thought  of  Lin- 
coln's succeeding  himself  in  the  presidency.  If  Lincoln  were  wise 
he  would  leave  the  exalted  position  which  he  so  uncomfortably 
filled  “to  some  bolder  statesman,  some  more  accomplished  gentleman, 
some  higher  principled  philosopher,  and  some  more  astute  politician 
and  manager  than  himself."  The  denunciation  continues,  "As  a 
^resident  he  is  the  worst  failure  that  America  has  ever  produced, 
and  both  parties  in  the  states  admit  him  to  be  so.  ±t  is  a pity 
that  he  cannot  see  himself  in  the  same  light,  and  that  he  does  not 
earn  the  respect  of  his  true  friends  and  the  forbearance  of  his  foe 
by  retiring  into  private  life.  That  he  may  yet  do  so  is  possible, 
it  will  be  happy  for  himself  as  well  as  for  his  country  if  such  be 
his  determination."^ 

When  the  news  of  his  election  reached  England,  the  Democratic 
party  was  declared  to  be  expelled  from  the  arena  of  politics,  and 

45 

Macmillan,  XL . bOO . 

46 

The  Times,  July  4,  1864.  For  earlier  comments  note  the  issues 
Jan.  2§,  Feb.  4,  March  7,  April  4,  and  June  20,  1864.  Charges 
of  abuse  in  the  campaign  may  be  round  in  the  issues  of  Uct.  8, 

10,  11,  26,  Nov.  1 and  22,  and  Dec.  b,  and  ol,  1864. 


t 


-22- 


destined  either  to  purchase  impunity  by  inaction,  or  "to  suffer  all 
the  miseries  that  tyrants  can  inflict  or  martyrs  endure."  Lincoln’^ 
re-election  was  called  a signification  of  the  abdication  of  the 
American  people  of  the  right  of  self-government.  A prophecy  fol- 
lowed that  future  historians  would  probably  date  from  the  second 
presidency  of  Lincoln  "the  period  when  the  constitution  was  thor- 
oughly abrogated,  and  had  entered  on  that  transition  stage  so  well 

kno?m  to  the  students  of  histor?/,  through  which  Republics  pass  on 

4-7 

their  way  from  democracy  to  tyranny.  His  triumphant  re-election 
was,  however,  conceded  to  show  he  was  given  the  confidence  of  the 
North  in  spite  of  his  short-comings  and  failures,  while  his  in- 
augural address  was  given  some  favorable  comment  as  displaying 
qualities  of  prudent  statesmanship. 48 

While  at  the  outset  the  Saturday  Review  expressed  utter  in- 
difference to  the  outcome,  it  did  not  evince  surprise  at  the  re- 
sult of  the  election,  since  there  were  strong  arguments  against 
opposing  in  time  of  war  the  government  or  party  identified  with 
the  prosecution  of  the  struggle.48  The  comment  on  Andrew  Johnson's 
proceedings  in  applying  tests  to  the  voters  in  Tennessee  is  inter- 
esting in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  for  it  included  a state- 
ment that  the  blessings  of  equality  would  be  severely  tried  if 
through  some  accident  the  "despotic  tailor  of  Tennessee"  should  be 
transfigured  into  the  civil  and  military  head  of  the  nation.  The 
sanction  of  Johnson's  conduct  by  Lincoln  was  said  to  be  perhaps 

47 

The  Times,  Nov.  22,  1864. 

48 

Ibid.,  March  17  and  20,  1865. 

49 

Saturday  Review,  Oct.  29,  1864  and  Nov.  2d,  1864. 


-23- 


the  most  serious  charge  against  him,  and  it  was  even  conceded  that 
according  to  the  North  American  standard  of  morality  he  might  be 
honest,  patriotic,  and  even  in  his  strange  electioneering  proceed- 
ings he  might  have  been  working  less  consciously  ror  himself  than 
for  the  party  whose  triumph  he  thought  necessary  ror  the  safety  of 
the  Republic.*30 

Of  a more  positive  nature  of  approval  are  the  words  of  Cobden 
and  Bright,  who  hoped  for  the  re-election  of  Lincoln  that  he  might 
continue  with  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

Pleasure  was  also  expressed  by  Mr.  E.  n.  Leatham  in  a speech 

K O 

to  electors  at  Huddersfield,  while  numerous  societies  sent  ad- 
dresses similar  to  those  on  emancipation.  All  of  these  expressed 
sympathy  with  Lincoln,  and  entertained  the  hope  that  he  might  soon 
bring  peace,  with  freedom  of  the  slaves.*33 

It  has  been  shown  that  England  watched  with  keen  interest  the 
struggle  in  America,  without  hesitating  to  pass  .judgment  on  the 
methods  by  which  Lincoln  was  attempting  to  perform  his  gigantic 
task.  Not  only  did  his  handling  of  domestic  problems  attract  at- 
tention, but  his  attitude  toward  England  continued  to  be  observed 
with  jealousy  throughout  the  course  of  uhe  war.  On  the  whole  The 
Times  did  not  view  Lincoln' s re-election  as  a cause  for  alarm  re- 
garding the  relations  between  the  two  countries.  He  had  already 

50 

Saturday  Review,  Nov.  5 and  19,  1364. 

51  ' 

Morley,  Life  of  Richard  Cobden,  II.  540-451.  Cobden  to  Sumner, 
Jan,  7,  18647  Also  ibidT,  it.  414-415,  Cobden  to  Bright,  Oct.  4, 
1864.  Trevelyan,  Life  of  John  Bright,  324. 

52  

Diplomatic  Correspondence,  39  Cong.,  1 Sess.,  pt.  I.,  103. 

53 

Ibid. , 42-48. 


-24- 

gone  through  the  course  of  defying  England,  the  traditional  way  of 
securing  the  Irish  vote,  and  when  once  fairly  established  in  office 
his  conduct  toward  England  had  given  no  very  great  cause  for  com- 
plaint. His  tone  was  less  exciting  and  his  language  less  offensive 

than  might  have  been  that  of  others  in  his  difficult  situation,  and 

54 

a new  president  might  displa:/  a more  hostile  spirit. 

This  rather  patronizing  attitude  of  tolerance  was  resented  by 

Goldwin  Smith  who  called  the  accusation  regarding  the  Irish  vote 

highly  irrational.  Lincoln,  he  said,  was  one  of  the  few  public  men 

in  America  who  had  never  joined  in  denunciations  of  England.  His 

re-election  was  to  be  desired  not  only  for  the  good  of  his  country, 

but  for  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Lincoln's  advocates.  Bright  and  Cobden,  upheld  the  view  that 

Lincoln  was  throughout  friendly  to  England  in  so  far  as  lay  within 

his  power.  Bright  challenged  the  most  critical  investigator  to 

point  to  a single  instance  since  Lincoln's  accession  to  power  wnich 

betrayed  anger  against  England  or  any  of  the  vindictive  feeling 

which  some  persons  in  England  imagined  was  possessed  by  Lincoln 

56 

and  his  cabinet.  Cobden  declared  that  Lincoln  showed  solid 
sense  in  the  pertinacity  with  which  he  avoided  all  outside  compli- 
cations. "His  truthful  elevation  of  character,"  wrote  Cobden  to 
Sumner, "and  his  somewhat  stolid  placidity  of  nature,  put  It  quite 
beyond  the  power  of  other  governments  to  fasten  a quarrel  on  him, 
and  inspire  the  fullest  confidence  in  those  who  are  committing 
64 

The  Times,  Nov.  22,  1864. 

55 

Macmillan,  X I , 305 . 

56 

Rogers,  Speeches  of  Bright,  I.  128. 


-25- 


57 

themselves  to  the  side  of  the  North."'" 

Lincoln’s  policies  had  run  the  gauntlet  of  English  public 
opinion,  receiving  much  criticism  and  disapproval.  Cobden,  Bright, 
and  the  working  classes  found  all  too  little  patience  with  their 
sympathy  for  Lincoln.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  press  which  un- 
doubtedly was  a potent  factor  in  the  shaping  of  public  opinion. 
During  his  lifetime  Lincoln  very  evidently  did  not  receive  from  the 
English  people  as  a whole  his  present  high  rank  as  a statesman. 


liorley,  Life  of  Pi chard  Cobden,  IT.  450-451. 
Cobden  to  Sumner,  .Tan.  7,  1364. 


CHAPTER  II. 


-26- 

CONTEMPORARY  OPINION  OF  LINCOLN,  THE  MAN. 

Although  much  deference  is  accorded  to  Lincoln’s  statesman- 
ship by  Americans  today,  the  love  for  him  is  perhaps  more  deeply 
rooted  in  the  appeal  of  his  character,  his  quaint  homeliness,  his 
honesty,  and  his  mercy  with  which  we  have  become  familiar  through 
the  great  wealth  of  Lincoln  stories.  We  may  well  pause  to  consider 
what  men  of  his  own  time,  but  of  another  nation,  thought  of  the 
character  of  the  man  who  has  become  an  ideal  to  Americans, 

First  of  all  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  impression  made  on 
English  writers  by  Lincoln’s  personal  appearance,  W.  H.  Russell 
gives  us  a very  complete  picture  of  his  impressions  of  Lincoln’s  un- 
gainly figure  and  rather  careless  habits  of  dress.  In  his  Diary 
Russell  writes,  ’’Soon  afterwards  there  entered,  with  a shambling 
loose  irregular,  almost  unsteady  gait,  a tall,  lank,  lean  man,  con- 
siderably over  six  feet  in  height,  with  stooping  shoulders,  long 
pendulous  arms,  terminating  in  hands  of  extraordinary  dimensions, 
which,  however,  were  far  exceeded  in  proportion  by  his  feet.  He  was 
dressed  in  an  ill-fitting,  wrinkled  suit  of  black,  which  put  one  in 
mind  of  an  undertaker’s  uniform  at  a funeral;  round  his  neck  a rope 
of  black  silk  was  knotted  in  a large  bulb,  with  flying  ends  project- 
ing beyond  the  collar  of  his  coat;  his  turned-down  shirt-collar  dis- 
closed a sinewy  muscular  yellow  neck,  and  above  that,  nestling  in  a 
great  black  mass  of  hair,  bustling  and  compact  like  a ruff  of  mourn- 
ing pins,  rose  the  strange  quaint  face  and  head,  covered  with  its 
thatch  of  wild  republican  hair,  of  President  Lincoln.  The  impres- 
sion produced  by  the  size  of  his  extremities,  and  by  his  flapping 
and  wide  projecting  ears,  may  be  removed  by  the  appearance  of  kind- 


-27- 


liness,  sagacity,  and  the  awkward  bonhomie  of  his  face;  the  mouth  is 
absolutely  prodigious;  the  lies,  straggling  and  extending  almost 
from  one  line  of  the  black  beard  to  the  other,  are  only  kept  in  order 
by  two  deep  furrows  from  the  nostril  to  the  chin;  the  nose  itself-- 
a prominent  organ--stands  out  from  the  face,  with  an  inquiring,  an- 
xious air,  as  though  it  were  snuffing  for  some  good  thing  in  the  wind; 
the  eyes  dark,  full  and  deeply  set,  are  penetrating,  but  full  of  an 
expression  which  almost  amounts  to  tenderness;  and  above  them  pro- 
jects the  shaggy  brow,  running  into  the  small  hard  frontal  space,  the 
development  of  which  can  scarcely  be  estimated  accurately,  owing  to 
the  irregular  flocks  of  thick  hair  carelessly  brushed  across  it.  One 
would  say  that,  although  the  mouth  was  made  to  enjoy  a joke,  it  could 
also  utter  the  severest  sentence  which  the  head  could  dictate,  but 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  be  ever  more  willing  to  temper  justice  with 
mercy,  and  to  enjoy  what  he  consideres  the  amenities  of  life,  than 
to  take  a harsh  view  of  men's  nature  and  of  the  world,  and  to  esti- 
mate things  in  an  ascetic  or  puritan  spirit" ^ 

An  even  more  grotesque  description  of  Lincoln  is  found  in 
Macmillan' s Magazine,  yet  the  general  impression  of  Lincoln  is  said 
to  depict  physical  and  moral  strength,  while  something  essentially 

p 

fine  about  his  appearance  bespoke  an  infinite  good  breeding. 

An  interesting  description  is  that  which  compares  Lincoln  to 
an  English  yoeman.  His  large-boned  and  sinewy  frame  was  said  to 
resemble  that  of  the  yoemen  of  North  England  in  the  district  from 

1 

Russell’s  Diary,  37-38.  March  27,  1861.  Other  comments  on  Lin- 
coln's appearance  may  be  found  in  ibid. , 552  and  Atkins  biography 
of  Russell,  II.  50. 

2 

Macmillan,  VI.  23. 


. 

. 

• 

' 


-28- 

which  Lincoln's  name  suggests  that  his  forefathers  came.  The  simi- 
larity was  borne  out  by  his  face  which  denoted  an  English  yoeman's 

solidity  of  character  and  good  sense,  with  something  added  from  the 

3 

enterprising  life  and  sharp  habits  of  the  Western  Yankee. 

Several  writers  were  impressed  with  the  sadness  of  Lincoln's 
face,  and  with  the  expression  in  his  eyes.  Bright  said  that  Lincoln's 
sad  but  gentle  countenance  as  seen  in  his  portraits  would  never  be 
forgotten  by  that  generation  of  Englishmen.^  Dicey,  who  had  seen 
Lincoln,  declared  that  never  in  his  life  had  he  seen  a sadder  face. 
This  writer  found  himself  incapable  of  doing  justice  to  the  "exceed- 
ing sadness  of  the  eyes  and  also  to  their  strange  sweetness;  they 
were  the  one  redeeming  feature  in  a face  of  unusual  plainness,  and 
there  was  about  them  that  odd,  weird  look,  which  some  eyes  possess, 
of  seeming  to  see  more  than  the  outer  objects  of  the  world  around." 
Another English  journalist  describes  Lincoln's  eyes  as  giving  his 
face  an  unf orgettable  expression,  difficult  to  analyze,  which  be- 
longed to  his  very  soul  and  made  him  appear  a man  of  sorrows  and  ac- 
quainted with  grief.  Of  his  awkward  figure,  continued  this  writer, 
"the  visitor  could  not-  be  blind  to  the  moral  strength,  an  inherent 
spiritual  dignity  of  the  man."  When  engrossed  in  serious  conversa- 
tion and  after  the  first  few  sentences  of  public  utterances  he  lost 
his  awkwardness  and  the  things  "which  detracted  from  his  manhood  and 
mastery,  and  revealed  himself  as  worthy  of  the  truths  he  uttered  and 

3 

Smith  in  Macmillan,  XI.  300, 

4 

Curtis,  Motley,  II.  206.  Bright  to  Motley,  July  31,  1865. 

5 

Dicey  in  Macmillan,  XII.  190. 


■ 


-29- 


0 

the  great  office  entrusted,  to  him." 

It  was  natural  that  Lincoln’s  figure  should  be  seized  upon  as 
an  object  of  caricature.  Indeed  Lincoln  seemed  to  one  observer  to 
be  the  actual  model  from  which  the  stock  caricatures  had  been  drawn 
without  exaggeration.'  Throughout  the  period  of  the  war  Lincoln’s 
tall  gaunt  figure  appeared  constantly  in  the  pages  of  Punch  which  not 
only  ridiculed  him  and  his  policies  in  pictures,  but  in  verse  and 
gibes  innumerable,  as  was  shown  in  the  preceding  chapter.9’ 

Vanity  Fair  contributed  its  share  to  the  caricature  of  Lin- 
coln, an  example  being  one  in  which  the  forthcoming  of  emancipation 
is  heralded.  Lincoln  is  pictured  as  a bird  peddler  whom  an  absence 
of  customers  has  impelled  to  remark,  "Darn  these  here  blackbirds. 

If  nobody  won’t  buy  ’em  I’ll  have  to  open  the  cages  and  let  ’em 
fly."9 

Lincoln's  jokes  were  often  quoted  in  Punch  or  The  Times  under 
the  heading  "Old  Abe’s  Latest"  or  some  similar  caption.19  The  fre- 
quency with  which  such  jests  appeared  tended  to  give  the  impression 
that  one  of  Lincoln's  chief  interests  was  telling  jokes.  Some  of 
the  more  serious  English  thinkers  attempted  to  seek  an  explanation 
6 

Krans,  Lincoln  Tribute  Book,  65-69,  quoting  Henry  Bryan  Binns,  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  223-226.  A similar  interpretation  of  Lincoln’s  char- 
acter read  through  his  appearance  is  found  in  Macmillan,  VI.  23. 

7 

Ibid..,  65. 

8 

Good  examples  are  in  issues:  Feb.  7 and  14,  May  9,  Oct.  10,  24,  and 
31,  1863;  also  May  11,  1861  and  Sept.  27,  1862. 

9 

Wilson,  Lincoln  in  Caricature,  Plate  14.  Plates  2 and  3 are  also  re- 
produced from  Vanity  Fair. 

10  ‘ 

Punch,  July  23,  1864  is  an  example.  Those  in  The  Times  are  too 
numerous  to  mention  but  may  easily  be  found  in  the  Index  to  the 
issues  of  that  period. 


''  * ' • • £ 


1 


. 


-30- 

of  this  characteristic  of  Lincoln,  and  concluded  that  he  had  a deeper 
purpose  than  the  mere  telling  of  a story  for  its  own  sake.  W.  H. 
Russell  thought  that  Lincoln  used  his  jokes  rather  cleverly  in  avoid- 
ing awkward  situations,  for  he  says,  "Where  men  bred  in  courts,  ac- 
customed. to  the  world,  or  versed  in  diplomacy,  would  use  some  subter- 
fuge, or  would  make  a polite  speech,  or  give  a shrug  of  the  shoulders 
as  the  means  of  getting  out  of  an  embarrassing  position,  Mr.  Lincoln 
raises  a laugh  by  some  bold  west  country  anecdote,  and  moves  off  in 
the  cloud  of  merriment  produced  by  his  joke."11  Dicey  also  thought 
that  Lincoln,  shrewd  enough  to  realize  that  he  had  small  knowledge 
as  to  the  arts  of  governing,  turned  awkward  questions  by  jokes  so  as 
to  gain  time  to  weigh  matters  more  fully.  Goldwin  Smith  concluded 
that  Lincoln's  stories,  told  to  illustrate  points  rather  than  for 
the  sake  of  the  anecdotes  themselves,  did  not  indicate  a particularly 
jocular  temperament,  ncr  yet  an  addiction  to  brutal  levity.  He  held 
that  it  was  a very  superficial  knowledge  of  American  character  which 
refused  to  recognize  that  a certain  levity  of  expression  was  per- 

I rZ 

fectly  compatible  with  earnestness  and  seriousness.  Cobden  wrote 
to  Sumner  "it  is  the  fashion  to  underrate  Lincoln  intellectually  in 
part,  because  he  illustrates  his  arguments  with  amusing  anecdotes. 

But  Franklin  was  not  less  given  to  apologues,  and  some  of  them  not 
of  the  most  refined  character.  It  is  quite  certain  that  an  inferior 
man  could  never  have  maintained  such  a contest  as  Lincoln  went 
through  with  Douglas,"1^ 

11 

Russell’s  ©ia3?y,  43,  March  28,  1861. 

12 

Dicey  in  Macmillan,  XII.  189. 

13 

Smith  in  Macmillan,  XI.  301. 

14 

Morley,  Life  of  Richard  Cobden,  II.  414.  Cobden  to  Bright,  Oct.  4, 
1864. 


. 


-31- 


Varylng  opinions  may  also  be  found  of  Lincoln’s  literary 
ability  as  manifested  in  his  speeches  and  writings.  There  are  many 
expressions  tending  to  show  that  his  State  papers  were  not  considered 
very  commendable  from  the  standpoint  of  literary  form.  Though  Gold- 
win  Smith  was  an  admirer  of  Lincoln,  he  admitted  that  to  do  him. 
justice  one  must  look  to  the  substance  rather  than  the  form  of  his 
writings  which  displayed  at  times  a great  lack  of  cultivation,  al- 
though they  never  fell  into  the  ’’worst  faults  of  inflation  and  rho- 
domontade  so  common  in  American  State  paper  writers."  Another  con- 
tribution is  that  though  Lincoln  might  be  the  best  of  presidents, 
he  was  the  worst  of  state  paper  writers. ^ 

Critical  of  Lincoln  in  every  other  respect  The  Times  added  to 
its  onslaughts  by  ridiculing  a letter  of  Lincoln  to  the  unconditional 
Union  men  of  Illinois.  Unbelief  was  expressed  that  a man  in  his 
sober  senses  could  have  sat  down  to  compose  such  a rhapsody,  or  after 
reading  it  over,  have  ordered  it  to  be  printed.  The  article  con- 
tinues to  describe  the  letter  as  something  between  a prophecy  and  an 
oracular  response  with  a dash  of  Yankee  slang  and  terms  of  expression 
reminiscent  of  school-boy  translations  from  corrupt  choruses  in 
Greek  tragedies.  Furthermore,  "Cromwell  never  spoke  and  Mr.  Carlyle 
never  wrote  anything  so  hopelessly  obscure,  and  the  persons,  if  there 
be  any  such,  to  whom  such  a jargon  can  appear  impressive  or  even  in- 
telligible must  have  faculties  and  tastes  of  which  we  can  form  no 
idea.”  It  was  held  doubtful  that  Lincoln  could  have  been  himself 
when  he  penned  so  grotesque  a production.  The  writer  of  the  editor- 

15 

Smith  in  Macmillan,  XI.  303. 

16 

London  Quarterly  Review,  XVII.  517. 


-32- 


ial  did  not  apply  his  condemns tion  to  the  entire  letter,  for  he  said, 
"the  early  part,  though  by  no  means  free  from  faults  of  grammar,  or 
compatible  with  our  nations  of  literary  dignity,  is  not  devoid  of  a 
certain  rough  honesty  and  force.  It  is  this,  tempered  by  a lawyer- 
like smartness,  that  secures  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  spite  of  his  arbitrar 
weakness,  a certain  popularity  among  a people  who  enjoy  a joke  even 

when  it  is  practiced  at  the  expense  of  themselves  or  the  dearest 

7 

interests  of  their  country. 

To  the  Saturday  Review  what  was  termed  Lincoln’s  lack  of 
natural  fluency  in  speaking  and  writing,  seemed  a not  unmixed  dis- 
advantage, since  he  was  thereby  seldom  "tempted  to  commit  himself  to 
the  vapouring  professions  of  his  Ministers  and  political  supporters. 

He  allowed  Seward  to  bluster  to  foreign  Governments  but  he  never 

1 P 

blustered  himself." 

Lincoln’s  writings,  however,  were  not  wholly  without  their 
admirers  even  in  his  lifetime,  for  Bright  wrote  to  Motley  that  he 
had  seen  in  Lincoln’s  speeches,  public  papers,  and  addresses  some- 
thing different  and  higher  than  anything  that  had  ever  before  pro- 
ceeded from  the  tongue  of  president  or  potentate,  a something  which 
had  endeared  him  to  the  great  masses  of  the  people  in  England , 5 " 

Smith’s  comment  upon  the  Gettysburg  Speech  is  the  forerunner 
of  the  universal  admiration  and  praise  later  accorded  this  address 
by  English  writers.  He  admits  that  there  are  one  or  two  phrases, 
such  as  "dedicated  to  the  proposition,"  which  betray  a hand  untrained 

17 

The  Times,  Sept.  17,  1863. 

18 

Saturday  Review,  April  29,  1865. 

19 


Curtis,  Motley , II.  206.  Bright  to  Motley,  July  31,  1865. 


- 


■ 


-33- 


in  writing,  and  are  proofs  that  the  composition  is  Lincoln’s  own. 

Yet  he  declares  that  it  may  be  doubted  whether  any  king  in  Europe 
would  have  expressed  himself  more  royally,  and  utters  these  words  in 
conclusion,  ’’Even  as  to  the  form,  we  cannot  help  remarking  that  sim- 
plicity of  structure  and  pregnancy  of  meaning  are  the  true  character- 
istics of  the  classical  style."20 

We  have  seen  how  various  expressions  of  ideas  have  contributed 
to  our  knowledge  of  contemporary  opinion  of  certain  phases  of  Lin- 
coln's character.  In  addition  to  these  there  are  to  be  observed  con- 
flicting statements  bearing  upon  his  character  as  a whole.  Henry 
Adams  tells  us  of  his  impression  of  the  contempt  in  which  Lincoln 
was  held  by  some  classes  in  England.  He  writes  of  the  violent  social 
prejudice  with  which  British  society  had  begun  in  their  attitude  to- 
ward Lincoln,  Seward,  and  all  Republicans  except  Sumner.  Probably 
the  coolness  with  which  his  father  was  treated  was  partly  responsible 
for  the  somewhat  bitter  tinge  to  the  remarks  of  Henry  Adams,  but 
there  is  no  doubt  a large  element  of  truth  in  them.  He  declared 
that  if  Lincoln  and.  Seward  had  been  the  ruffians  supposed,  that  the 
average  Englishman  would  have  liked  them  better.  London,  he  said, 
had  created  a nightmare,  and  given  it  the  name  of  Lincoln.  Behind 
this  nightmare  it  had  placed  another  demon,  if  possible  more  devil- 
ish, and  called  it  Seward.  English  society  seemed  demented  in  re- 
gard to  these  two  men.  Defence  was  useless;  explanation  was  vain; 
the  passion  had  to  exhaust  itself,  "for  the  belief  in  poor  Mr.  Lin- 
20 

Smith  in  Macmillan,  XI.  302. 

For  the  praise  later  accorded  to  the  Gettysburg  Speech  and  the 
second  Inaugural  see,  Ludlow,  President  Lincoln  Self -Pourtrayed, 
209;  Spectator,  Feb.  13,  1909;  and  Atkins,  Life  of  TTT.  R.  Russell, 
II.  5. 

21 

Adams,  Education  of  Henry  Adams,  122. 


34- 


coln's  brutality  and  Seward's  ferocity  became  a dogma  of  popular 
faith."  Adams  gave  point  to  these  remarks  by  referring  to  a con- 
versation of  his  father  with  Thackeray  who  denounced  Lincoln  and  his 
hirelings  as  notoriously  cruel.  If  the  American  ambassador  had  had 
in  his  pocket  proofs  that  such  charges  were  unjust,  it  would  have 
done  no  good  to  have  shown  them,  we  arp  told,  for  at  that  moment 
Thackeray  and  all  London  needed  the  nervous  relief  of  exnressing 
emotion,  for  "if  Lincoln  was  not  what  they  said  he  was- -what  were 
they?"22 

Indeed  Lincoln  was  even  accused  of  losing  his  honesty,  the  one 
virtue  which  most  Englishmen  had  been  willing  to  accord  to  him.^3 
Perhaps  as  sharp  a thrust  as  any  is  the  quotation  by  The  Times  from 
the  Chicago  Post  narrating  an  incident  depicting  Lincoln  reading 
hostile  comments  of  the  press.  Fhen  he  had  finished  reading  them, 
he  asked  himself,  "Abraham  Lincoln,  are  you  a man  or  a dog?"  The 
correspondent,  The  Times  informs  its  readers,  did  not  state  Lincoln fe 
conclusion,  but  left  it  as  an  open  question,  and  the  comment  con- 
cludes with  the  thrust,  "Possibly  he  may  be  waiting  to  see  which  side 
the  Almighty  is  on."2^ 

Keeping  in  mind  these  adverse  statements  upon  the  character 
of  Lincoln,  it  is  vastly  illuminating  to  turn  to  a consideration  of 
the  outburst  of  popular  sympathy  which  was  occasioned  by  his  death. 

22 

Adams,  Education  of  Henry  Adams,  130-131. 

See  also  ibid.”  136 . 

23 

The  Times,  Anril  17  and  30,  1864. 

24 

Ibid. , Jan.  8,  1863. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  EEEECT  OF  LINCOLN’S  DEATH  UPON  ENGLISH  OPINION. 


-35- 


When  one  considers  the  extent  of  abuse  heaped  upon  Lincoln 

during  his  lifetime,  it  is  nothing  short  of  astounding  to  note  the 

wave  of  reaction  which  spread  over  the  country  when  the  news  of  his 

assassination  reached  England.  The  expressions  of  grief  and  horror 

could  scarcely  have  been  more  sincere  and  more  universal  in  his  own 

country.  Charles  Francis  Adams  reported  that  the  excitement  was 

deep  and  wide,  spreading  through  all  classes  of  society,  and  that  his 

table  was  piled  with  cards,  letters,  and  resolutions.' 

The  intensity  of  feeling  made  a d eep  impression  upon  many 

Englishmen.  It  was  said  that  the  crime  which  threw  a deep  gloom 

o 

over  the  triumph  the  North  belonged  to  general  history.  Bright  de- 
clared hat  the  murder  of  Lincoln  had  created  a sensation  greater 
than  had  been  caused  by  any  event  for  fifty  years;  that  the  whole 
people  mourned,  making  it  seem  that  England  was  one  nation  with  the 
United  States  in  its  universal  grief. ^ Even  in  The  Times  was  re- 
corded the  conviction  that  "no  incident  in  the  history  of  a foreign 
state  could,  have  excited  a more  universal  or  a more  genuine  sensa- 
tion,” while  the  intention  was  expressed  of  putting  on  record  and 

communicating  to  Americans  a feeling  which  could,  differ  only  in  in- 

4 

tensity  from  that  of  the  Americans  themselves.  Elsewhere  is  ex- 
pressed the  belief  that  it  had  never  before  happened  "that  a common 


1 

Cycle  of  Adams  Letters,  ed.  by  f . C.  Ford.,  II.  267. 

2 

Bernard,  The  Neutrality  of  Great  Britain  during  the  American  Civil 
far,  477. 

3 

Trevelyan,  Life  of  John  Bright,  326.  Bright  to  Sumner,  Apr.  29,1865. 

4 

The  Times , Apr.  29,  1865. 


-36- 

feeling  did  so  completely  unite  governments  and  populations,  official 
and  unofficial  bodies,  hostile  parties,  and  warring  opinions  in  one 
spontaneous  and  irresistible  expression  of  sympathy  with  a nation 
and  of  homage  to  a man. 

In  Manchester,  which  had  been  one  of  the  few  centers  of  Eng- 
lish sympathy,  there  existed  a degree  of  excitement  never  before 
witnessed  there.  The  news  put  a stop  to  all  business,  and  the  day 
passed  away  in  mere  talk  and  excitement.  In  Birmingham  also  the 
news  spread  rapidly.  The  faces  of  the  people  who  thronged  to  read 
the  telegrams  depicted  an  expression  of  deepest  anxiety.  The  ab- 
horrence of  the  crime  was  said  to  be  sufficient  to  assure  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  there  was  nothing  but  detestation  at  the  murder  of 
Lincoln,  although  the  city  had  entertained  a strong  feeling  of  sym- 
pathy for  the  southerners,  and  never  more  so  than  in  the  last  hours 
of  the  gigantic  efforts  of  Lee  and  his  valiant  soldiers.  The  flags 
on  the  Town  Hall  and  Stock  Exchange  at  Liverpool  were  hoisted  at  half- 
mast,  while  a proposal  to  hold  separate  meetings  of  the  Northern  and. 
Southern  men  to  express  horror  at  the  crime  met  with  general  ac- 
quiescence . ® 

In  London  itself  the  news  was  not  believed  at  first,  but  the 
second  editions  of  the  papers  wafted  the  knowledge  far  and  wide.  Be- 
tween one  and  two  o'clock  the  third  edition  of  The  Times,  with  a 
circumstantial  narrative  of  the  affair,  appeared  and  was  in  extra- 
ordinary demand.  Newsvenders  in  the  Royal  Exchange  sold  it  for  one- 
half  a crown  a copy,  and  by  three-thirty  it  could  not  be  had  there 
for  any  price.  Evening  papers  sold  in  unexpected  numbers  often  at 

5 

Tributes  of  the  Nations,  485,  quoting  Dublin  Evening  Post,  Anril  29, 

1865 . 

6 

ihe  Times,  April  27,  1865. 


-37- 


7 

double  and  treble  the  ordinary  price. 

From  all  parts  of  England  came  addresses  of  sympathy  for  Mrs. 
Lincoln  and  the  peoole' of  the  United  States.  All  expressed  great 
horror  at  the  crime,  admiration  and  affection  for  Lincoln,  pleasure 
in  the  triumph  of  negro  emancipation,  and  sincere  wishes  for  the 
future  welfare  of  America.  The  communications  of  Charles  Francis 
Adams  are  full  of  references  to  these  addresses  which  he  transmitted 
to  the  secretary  of  state.  The  enclosures  in  single  communications 
in  some  cases  were  as  many  as  a hundred.  The  mere  process  of  filing 
and  cataloguing  them  occupied  the  large  part  of  the  time  of  one  of 

O 

the  secretaries  to  Adams.0 

About  five  hundred  British  residents  in  America  held  a meet- 
ing to  express  sympathy  for  the  United  States  and  resoect  for  "the 
eminent  private  virtues  and  public  character  of  the  late  President, 
as  well  as  for  the  integrity  with  which  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
promotion  of  the  prosperity  and  welfare  of  the  whole  country,  in 

n 9 

whose  service  he  has  fallen  an  honored  and  ever -memorable  victim. 

Many  notable  comments  were  made  by  individuals  of  prominence. 
Goldwin  Smith,  always  friendly  to  Lincoln,  described  the  assassina- 
tion as  a blow  struck  b:f  slavery,  but  a blow  which  would  make  him 
immortal  and  cause  his  name  to  live  in  the  love  of  his  nation  and  of 
mankind  forever."^  John  Stuart  Mill  in  speaking  of  the  crime  of 

7 

The  Times,  April  27,  1865. 

8 

Many  of  these  addresses  have  been  gathered  in  the  Government  publi- 
cation , The  Tributes  of  the  Nations,  205-472. 

See  also  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  39  Cong.,  1 Sess.,  pt.  I,  343, 
364-5;  ptT  TIT', “137,  140,  155-160,  166,  181;  pt.  IV.,  146-421. 
Davis,  The  Book  of  Lincoln,  185. 

9 

Lincoln  Obsequies,  233-235. 

ID 

Macmillan,  XII.  177,  July  8,  1865. 


-38- 


striking  down  the  great  American  citizen,  "a  noble  example  of  quali- 
ties befitting  the  first  magistrate  of  a free  people,"  said  that  it 
was  impossible  to  have  wished  him  a better  end  than  to  have  added  the 
crown  of  martyrdom  to  his  other  honors.”1"1 

The  man  above  all  others  who  was  moved  deeply  by  the  death  of 
Lincoln  was  John  Bright,  who  recorded  in  his  Journal  that  when  he 
heard  of  the  shocking  tragedy  at  Washington  he  felt  stunned  and  ill. 
"I  will  nott  write  an  eulogy  of  the.  character  of  "President  Lincoln," 
wrote  Bright,  "--there  will  be  many  to  do  that  now  he  is  dead.  I 
have  spoken  of  him  when  living In  him  I have  observed  a singu- 
lar resolution  honestly  to  do  his  duty a great  gentleness  of 

temper  and  nobleness  of  soul,  proved  by  the  absence  of  irritation 
and  menace  under  circumstances  of  the  most  desparate  provocation, 
and  a pity  and  mercifulness  to  his  enemies  which  seemed  drawn  as  from 
the  very  fount  of  Christian  charity  and  love.  His  simplicity  for  a 
time  did  much  to  hide  his  greatness,  but  all  good  men  everywhere  will 
mourn  him,  and  history  will  place  him  high  among  the  best  and  noblest 
of  men."1^  In  the  latter  part  of  July  1865,  Bright  noted  that  since 
Lincoln's  death  there  had  been  a rapid  change  of  opinion  and  feeling 
in  England  on  all  American  questions. 

These  are  the  words  of  the  man  who  admired  Lincoln  during  his 
lifetime,  and  foresaw  the  fame  which  would  be  his.  The  relationship 
between  these  two  men  was  almost  that  of  personal  friendship.  There 
11 

Krans,  The  Lincoln  Tribute  Book,  127. 

12 

Trevelyan,  The  Life  of  John  Bright,  326.  Other  expressions  of  his 
grief  are  found,  in  Curtis,  Motley,  II.  206,  Bright  to  Motley,  July 
31,  1865,  and  Pierce,  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Charles  Sumner,  IV. 

240,  Bright  to  Sumner,  April  2^,  1865 . 


- 


-39- 


was  a photograph  of  Bright  in  Lincoln  s office,  while  on  a portrait 
Lincoln  gave  Bright,  the  latter  had  written,  Mand  if  there  he  on 
earth  and  among  men  any  right  Divine  to  govern,  surely  it  r^sts  with 
the  Ruler  so  chosen  and  so  appointed."-*-4  According  to  Lincoln’s 

desire,  after  his  death,  his  gold-headed  staff  was  given  to  Bright 

1 3 

in  recognition  of  his  friendship  to  Lincoln  and  the  North. 

Not  only  did  Lincoln’s  death  occasion  expressions  of  popular 
sympathy,  but  the  measures  adopted  by  the  Government  were  of  a nature 
calculated  to  do  much  toward  allaying  the  bitter  feelings  which  had 
existed  between  the  two  countries.  In  both  houses  of  Parliament 
motions  were  passed  unanimously  to  ask  the  Queen  to  express  their 
sorrow  and  indignation.4®  The  Queen  replied  that  she  entirely  parti- 
cipated in  these  sentiments,  and  had  directed  her  minister  at  Wash- 
ington to  make  known  to  the  government  of  America,  the  feelings  en- 
tertained by  her,  by  the  members  of  Parliament,  and  the  whole  people 

17 

of  England  with  regard  to  the  deplorable  event. 

In  presenting  his  motion  to  the  House  of  Lords  Earl  Russell 
spoke  of  the  integrity  and  sincerity  of  Lincoln,  as  well  as  of  his 
kindness  which  would  have  made  him  the  person  most  fitted  to  alle- 

13 

Goldwin  Smith  noticed  this  during  an  interview  with  Lincoln,  as 
recorded  in  Macmillan,  XI.  300. 

14 

O’Brien,  John  Bright,  a Monograph,  138. 

15 

Smith,  The  Life  and  Speeches  of  the  Right  Honorable  John  Bright, 

II.  115. 

16 

Earl  Russell’s  motion  passed  the  House  of  Lords  May  1,  1865 ; a 
similar  motion  was  passed  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  same  day. 

3 Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  CLXXVIII.  1073-1074  and  1228 

and  1247.  

17 

Ibid..,  CLXXVIII.  1471.  His  words  show  he  still  had  sympathy  for 
IHe  South. 


*• 


-40- 


viate  the  pain  and  animosities  which  had  prevailed  during  the  war. 
Lincoln  was  the  type  of  man  needed  to  temper  the  pride  of  victory 

and.  to  show  respect  for  the  valour  on  the  opposite  side.  He  deeply 

deplored  that  the  death  of  Lincoln  had  deprived  the  United  States  of 
a man  who  was  qualified  to  propose  such  measures  as  might  have  been 

acceptable  to  those  opposed  to  the  change  in  the  status  of  the  ne- 

groes, and  who  might  have  preserved  the  peace  of  the  Republic  during 

18 

the  trying  process  of  reorganization.'"" 

More  than  one  of  the  speeches  on  this  occasion  contained  the 
hope  that  whatever  had  been  the  differences  of  opinion  on  the  merits 
of  the  two  contending  parties  and  on  Lincoln’s  qualities  and  inten- 
tions, that  all  such  differences  would  disappear  in  the  face  of  the 
tragedy,  and  that  there  would  result  a more  friendly  feeling  between 

1 Q 

England  and  America. 

The  attitude  of  the  governing  body  found  its  best  expression 
in  the  words  of  Disraeli  who  said  that  the  homely  and  innocent 
character  of  Lincoln  carried  the  tragedy  out  of  all  the  pomp  of 
history  and  the  ceremonial  of  d.iolomacy,  for  it  touched  the  heart  of 
nations  and  appealed  to  the  domestic  sentiment  of  mankind.  Lincoln, 
he  said,  had  fulfilled  his  duty  with  simplicity  and  strength  in  one 
of  the  severest  trials  which  ever  tested  the  moral  qualities  of  man. 
The  English  people  could  never  forget  that  he  sprang  from  the  same 
Fatherland,  and  spoke  the  same  Mother  tongue.^0 
18 

3 Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  CLXXVIII.  1219-1222. 

19 

Earl  of  Derby,  ibid.,  1224-1225;  Viscount  Stratford  de  Redcliffe, 
1227;  Sir  GeorgeVJrey,  1243-1244. 

20 

Ibid. , 1245-1246.  For  comment  on  these  speeches  and  upon  the 
change  of  attitude  generally,  see  Herbert  Paul,  History  of  Modern 
England,  II.  372. 


-41- 

Perhaps  the  moat  striking  example  of  the  change  from  blame  to 
praise  is  to  be  found  in  the  portion  of  the  press  which  had  been  on 
the  whole  very  hostile  to  Lincoln.  This  is  especially  evident  in 
The  Times  which  was  as  generous  in  its  praise  as  it  had  before  been 
fluent  in  vituperation.  In  a finely  written  editorial  was  developed 
the  theme  of  Lincoln’s  gradual  improvement  from  his  entrance  into 
office,  handicapped  with  defective  education,  an  obscure  past,  oner- 
ous duties,  and  faults  in  manner  and  taste,  until  by  conservative 
progress  he  had  felt  his  way  gradually  to  his  conclusions,  his  mind 
growing  and  his  policies  changing  in  the  process  until  Englishmen 
had.  learned  to  respect  a man  who  showed  the  best  characteristics  of 
their  race  in  his  respect  for  what  was  good  in  the  past,  as  well  as 
a recognition  of  what  was  made  necessar?/  by  the  passing  of  history. ^ 
It  seemed  as  if  the  press  all  over  England  could  not  say 
enough  in  praise  of  this  man  whose  work  had  been  a bruptly  interrupted 
just  as  his  efforts  seemed  crowned  with  success.  These  eulogies 
contain  certain  general  lines  of  thought  which  may  be  noted.  A 
tendency  of  interest  to  Americans  is  the  frequency  with  which  Lin- 
coln was  compared  to  Washington.  It  was  evidently  deemed  the  high- 
est honor  that  could  be  a ccorded  to  Lincoln  to  call  him  equal  in 
greatness  to  the  man  who  had  played  so  lsrge  a part  in  England’s  loss 
of  the  American  colonies,  and  in  the  establishment  of  a new  govern- 
21 

The  Times,  April  27,  1865.  Other  favorable  expressions  are  found 
in  the  issues  of  April  29  and  May  1,  1865. 

The  Renfrewshire  Independent,  Paisley  comments  upon  this  reversal 
of  former  policy,  April  29,  1865.  This  is  found  in  the  .tributes  of 
the  Nations,  549-550. 


-42- 


ment , 


Constantly  recurring  in  these  papers  are  expressions  of  regret 
that  Lincoln  should  have  met  death  before  the  difficult  task  of  re- 
construction was  accomplished.  His  mild,  peace-loving  nature,  with 
its  accompanying  spirit  of  forgiveness  and  yet  of  sagacity  was 
thought  most  suited  to  the  completion  of  the  work  still  unfulfilled. 
Many  feared  that  the  loss  of  Lincoln  at  this  critical  time  was  dis- 
astrous to  the  South. ^ 

Even  the  measures  which  had  aroused  so  much  unfavorable  com- 
ment now  were  accorded  wisdom.  These  papers  attributed  to  Lincoln 
a keen  discernment  as  a statesman,  a high  sense  of  responsibility, 
and  entire  forgetfulness  of  self.  His  election  to  office  was  de- 
clared a high  tribute  to  the  sagacity  of  the  American  people. ^ 

It  is  curious  to  note  the  frank  admissions  of  previous  lack 
of  understanding,  and  regret  for  the  general  attitude  of  the  Dress 
as  displayed  during  the  duration  of  the  war.  His  sudden  death,  re- 
port these  articles,  had  aroused  all  to  the  realization  of  his  good 
22 

London  Quarterly  Review,  July  1866. 

Herald  and  ^est  Coast  Advertiser,  Apr.  29,  1865.  472. 

Gateshead  Observer,  Apr.  29,  1865,  493. 

London  Morning  Star,  Apr.  27,  1865,  508. 

Dublin  Express,  Apr.  29,  1865,  486. 

Dublin  Ref orme~r , Apr.  29,  1865,  489. 

Carlisle  Examiner , Apr.  29,  1865,  481. 

The  numbers  following  the  dates  indicate  page  in  Tribute  of  the 

Nations. 

23 

London  Morning  Post,  Apr.  27,  1865,  49^-499 . 

Glasgow*"~Herald,  May  1,  1865,  495. 

Bradford  Review,  Apr.  29,  1865,  478. 

Liverpool  Daily  Post,  Apr.  27,  1865,  541. 

Leeds  Mercury , Apr.  27,  1865,  544  and  548. 

The  above  are  all  in  Tributes  of  the  Nations. 

London  Quarterly  R e v i e w , "OCVI . 31 4 , July  1866. 

24 

The  Time s , Apr.  29,  1865,  Saturday  Review,  Apr.  29,  1865,  London 

Quarterly  Review,  7X71.  290-291,  and  Macmillan,  XII.  177. 

In  Tributes  of  the  Nations,  Dublin  Freeman's  Journal,  484,  Edin- 
burgh Caledonian  Mercury,  491,  Spectator.  531,  and  Renfrewshire 

Independent-;--  PalS'ley,  t?ou . — 


-43- 


qualities  and  had  not  only  wiped  out  the  former  belief  in  his  ”imbe- 

cility”,  but  had  silenced  the  faction  opnosed  to  him  and  the  cause  of 

25  ’ 

the  N0rth.  ''  A contributor  to  The  Times  declared  that  the  lesson  for 

Englishmen  to  learn  from  the  history  of  a character  like  Lincoln,  was 

in  the  future  to  abstain  from  hasty  judgments  of  untried  men.^  Not 

only  did  these  journalists  give  voice  to  regrets  for  former  failure 

to  appreciate  Lincoln,  but  in  many  instances  they  prophecy  an  ever 

97 

increasing  fame.-'' 

The  change  in  attitude  at  Lincoln’s  death  is  characterized  by 
many  expressions  in  poetical  form.  While  some  of  these  are  mediocre, 
and  others  highly  oratorical,  they  are  nevertheless  sincere  attempts 
to  pay  tribute  to  Lincoln.  One  significant  of  the  realization  of  the 
new  feeling  is  that  of  John  Nichol,  who,  after  praising  Lincoln  re- 
cords , 

’’Too  late  the  pioneers  of  modern  spite, 

Awe-stricken  by  the  universal  gloom. 

See  his  name  lustrous  in  Death’s  sable  might, 

And  offer  tardy  tribute  at  his  tomb. 


25 

Tribute  of  the  Nations 

Liverpool  Daily  Dost,  Apr.  27,  1865,  541. 

Renfrewshire  Independent.  Paisley,  Apr.  29,  1865,  549. 

London  Daily  Telegraph,  Apr.  27,  1865,  522. 

London  Spectator,  Apr.  29,  1865,  530  and  533. 

London  Evening  Star,  May  2,  1865,  519. 

London  Daily  News,  Apr.  27,  1865,  503. 

London  Evening  Standard , Apr.  27,  1865,  499. 

Dublin  Express,  Apr.  29,  1865,  486. 

26  ” 

Historicus  to  The  Times,  May  2,  1865. 

27  1 

Examples  of  this  are 

London  Evening  Star,  May  2,  1865.  Tribute  of  the  Nations,  519. 
Belfast  tllster  Observer,  Apr.  27,  1565,  ibid.,  474. 

Macmillan^  XIT ". ”1 7 5 - 1 7 6 for  Goldwin  SmitE  s"  statement  and  192  for 
that  of  Edward  Dicey. 


V. 


' 


-44- 

"But  we  who  have  b^en  with  him  all  the  while. 

Who  knew  his  worth  and  loved  him  long  age. 

Rejoice  that  in  the  circuit  of  our  isle 
There  is  no  room  at  last  for  Lincoln’s  foe."  ° 

"Sic  Semper  Tyrannis",  the  short  poem  of  Robert  Leighton,  of 

Liverpool  is  among  the  more  worthy  English  poems  on  Lincoln. 

"'Sic  semper  tyrannis  I'  the  assassin  cried, 

As  Lincoln  fell.  0 villain!  who  than  he 
More  lived  to  set  both  slave  and  tyrant  free? 

Or  so  enrapt  with  plans  of  freedom  died. 

That  even  thy  treacherous  deed  shall  glance  aside, 

And  do  the  dead  man’s  will  by  land  and  sea 
Win  bloodless  battles,  and  make  that  to  be 
Which  to  his  living  mandate  was  denied  ! 

Peace  to  that  gentle  heart  ! The  peace  .he  sought 
For  all  mankind,  nor  for  it  dies  in  vain. 

Rest  to  the  uncrowned  king,  who,  toiling,  brought 
His  bleeding  country  through  that  dreadful  reign, 

Who,  living,  earned  a world's  revering  thought^ 

And,  dying,  leaves  his  name  without  a stain. 

The  most  noted  poem  which  appeared  at  that  time  is  the  famous 
recantation  of  Punch.  In  regard,  to  these  verses  George  Somes  Layard 
in  his  book  on  Shirley  Brooks  of  Punch  writes,  "It  was  a great  op- 
portunity for  Punch  to  show  of  what  mettle  he  was  made,  and  he  seized 
it.  After  all  he  was  an  honourable  hunchback,  and  did  not  subscribe 
to  that  astounding  dictum  of  Emerson's  that  'no  sensible  person  ever 
made  an  apology.'  The  thing  must  be  handsomely  done  or  not  done  at 

all,  and  certainly  his  recantation  was  the  amplest  imaginable 

Retraction  and  self-abasement  could  surely  not  have  been  more  com- 
plete. The  words  in  which,  the  recantation  was  made  no  doubt  were 
rough  and  rugged,  but  they  were  instinct  with  generous  shame  and 
honest  repentance.  A great  wrong  had  been  done.  A complete  re- 
28 

Krans,  The  Lincoln  Tribute  Book,  134. 

29 

Leighton.  Liverpool  May  5,  1865.  Quoted  in  Davis,  The  Book  of 

Lincoln,  186. 

For  other  poems  see  Oldroyd,  The  Poets*  Lincoln,  153  and  200-201. 

Davis,  The  Book  of  Lincoln,  1&4. 

Blair,  One  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  Lincoln,  33-34. 


-45- 

cantation  must  "be  made....  it  was  almost  worth,  while  to  have  been 
wrong  to  have  the  opportunity  of  making  so  honourable  an  amend.... 

The  sincerity,  manliness,  sympathy,  and  above  all,  the  humility  of 
the  verses  spoke  straight  to  the  heart  of  a great  nation  and  soothed 
a wound  which  should  never  have  been  opened  and  which  constant 
teasing  had  kept  cruelly  at  the  raw.  Since  that  time  Punch  has, 
whilst  reserving  to  himself  the  right  of  laughing  at  our  cousins’ 
foibles  as  at  our  own,  steadily  used  his  great  influence  for  concili- 
ation and  kindly  feeling,  and  has  been  instant  in  removing  those  mis- 

nations 

understandings  which  never  should  be  allowed  to  exist  betweery'so 
nearly  related  by  blood,  and  united  at  their  best  by  a common  noble 
ideal.”30 

The  entire  poem  should  be  quoted  to  give  an  adequate  idea  of 
its  full  force,  but  a few  extracts  will  serve  to  indicate  the  spirit 
of  this  significant  expression  of  the  effect  of  Lincoln’s  assassina- 
tion upon  opinion  in  England. 

”You  lay  a wreath  on  murdered  Lincoln’s  bier, 

You,  who  with  mocking  pencil  wont  to  trace 
Broad  for  the  self-complacent  British  sneer 
His  length  of  shambling  limb,  his  furrowed  face. 


’’You,  whose  smart  pen  backed  up  the  pencil's  laugh. 
Judging  each  step  as  is  the  way  were  plain. 
Feckless,  so  it  could  point  its  paragraph 
Of  chief’s  perplexity,  of  people’s  pain. 


30 

Layard,  A Great  Punch  Editer,  239-248.  This  includes  a discussion 
of  the  authorship  of  the  verses,  and  gives  conflicting  opinions  of 
the  staff  as  to  whether  these  verses  should  have  appeared. 


, 


. 


■ ..  rj 


-46- 

"Beside  the  corpse  that  bears  the  winding  sheet 
The  stars  and  stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew. 

Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet 
Say,  scurrile  jester,  is  there  room  for  you? 

"Yes,  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer. 

To  lame  my  pencil,  and  confute  my  pen-- 
To  make  me  own  this  kind  of  princes  peer. 

This  rail-splitter,  a true  born  king  of  men. 


"The  words  of  mercy  were  upon  his  lips. 
Forgiveness  in  his  heart  and  on  his  pen, 

When  this  vile  murderer  brought  swift  eclipse 
To  thoughts  of  peace  on  earth,  good-will  to  men. 

"The  old  world  and  the  new,  from,  sea  to  sea, 
Utter  one  voice  of  sympathy  and  shame-- 
Sore  heart,  so  stopped  when  it  at  last  beat  high; 
Sad  life,  cut  short  just  as  its  triumph  came  ! 


"Vile  hand,  that  brandest  murder  on  a strife, 
Fhate’er  its  grounds,  stoutly  and  nobly  striven; 
And  with  the  martyr’s  crown  crownest  a life 
Fith  much  to  praise,  little  to  be  forgiven. 


31 

Punch , May  6,  1865. 


-47- 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MODERN  HISTORICAL  AND  LITERARY  TREATMENT  OF  LINCOLN. 

From  the  time  of  Lincoln’s  death  to  the  present  there  has  been 
a constant  growth  in  sympathetic  treatment  of  Lincoln  by  English 
writers  in  the  fields  of  history  and  literature.  As  a forerunner  of 
the  more  recent  works  on  Lincoln,  it  is  significant  that  the  Univer- 
sity of  Cambridge  in  1866  set  him  as  the  subject  for  the  prize  Latin 
oration,  proving  that  he  had  already  taken  rank  as  a popular  hero. 

The  oration  by  the  student,  now  Sir  John  Sandy s , was  highly  sympathe- 
tic with  Lincoln.'"  Similarly,  Lincoln's  biography  by  Charles  G. 
Leland,  although  the  author  was  not  an  Englishman,  was  written  in 
1879  for  a firm  of  publishers  in  England  who  were  interested  esneci- 
ally  in  popular  literature,  and  formed  one  of  a series  of  biographies 
including  among  other  great  figures,  Alexander,  Hannibal,  and  Charle- 

p 

magne . 

In  the  works  of  modern  English  historians  are  to  be  found 
words  of  praise  of  Lincoln.  One  of  these  writers  is  Herbert  Paul, 
whose  History  of  Modern  England  is  declared  by  Lord  Charnwood  to  be 

n. 

by  far  the  most  important  work  on  the  period  covered.  A few  of  his 
comments  will  suffice  to  show  his  friendly  treatment  of  Lincoln.  He 
tells  us  that  Lincoln’ s farewell  speech  to  friends  and  neighbors  in 
Springfield  before  his  journey  to  Washington,  may  be  set  beside  the 
simplest  and  choicest  passages  in  the  oratory  of  John  Bright:  Lin- 
coln's rich  and  racy  humor  has  never  been  surpassed  even  in  his  own 
1 

Appendix,  65 

2 

Ibid.,  66-67. 

3 

Ibid. , 67-68. 


' 


■ 


' 


. 


' 


-48- 

country;  his  temper  in  prosperity  was  magnanimous,  he  possessed  calm 
fortitude  in  adversity,  patience  with  folly  and  error,  and.  long- 
sighted wisdom;  with  the  doubtful  exception  of  Washington  he  was  the 
greatest  of  all  Americans,  and  while  Washington  was  substantially  a 
Eritish  Aristocrat,  Lincoln  was  racy  of  the  soil.4 

J.  B.  Atkins  in  his  biography  of  William  H.  Russell  expresses 
some  of  his  own  views  regarding  Lincoln.  In  speaking  of  the  earlier 
criticism,  he  writes,  "And  all  the  time  there  was  the  character  of 
Lincoln, --nobly  shrewd,  tolerant,  serene,  and  resolved--open  to  be 
studied  and  vindicated  by  those  who  had  eyes  to  see.  The  failure  of 
so  many  Englishmen  to  do  either  him  or  themselves  justice  at  that 
time  is  a distressing  example  of  political  short-sightedness."0 
Atkins  mentions  the  reproach  that  Lincoln  at  the  beginning  of  the  war 
did  not  make  a clear  statement  against  slavery,  and  replies  that 
there  was  good  reason  to  think  that  if  he  had  done  so  he  would,  have 
lost  the  assistance  of  the  border  states.  Moreover,  no  matter  how 
much  he  hated  slavery,  he  was  willing  to  grant  to  the  Southern  States 
such  rights  as  he  judged  to  be  legitimate.  In  the  estimation  of 
Atkins  there  has  never  been  another  ruler  who  had  so  little  hate  in 
his  heart  for  the  enemies  he  opposed  with  such  vigour.0 

Higher  praise  could  not  be  granted  any  statesman  than  is  ac- 
corded to  Lincoln  by  Spencer  Walpole,  who  stated  that  perhaps  of  all 
men  born  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  in  the  nineteenth  century,  Lincoln 
deserved  the  highest  place  in  history.  When  one  considers  the  names 
of  Tennyson,  Gladstone,  and  Darwin,  and  others  of  great  influence  in 

4 

Paul,  History  of  Modern  England,  II.  299-300.  See  also  336. 

5 

Atkins,  The  Life  of  Sir  William  Howard  Russell,  II.  5. 

6 

Ibid. , II.  5. 


-49- 

their  various  fields  of  activities,  Walpoles  praises  assume  a vast 

significance.  "No  man,"  he  said,  "ever  displayed  more  moderation  in 

counsel  or  more  resolution  in  administration,  or  held  a calmer  or 

steadier  course  through  the  channel  of  difficulty  and  danger In 

his  public  utterances  he  rose  to  a force  of  argument,  and,  as  in  his 

Gettysburg  speech,  to  a dignity  of  language,  which  few  of  the  great 

speakers  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic  have  equalled  and  perhaps 

none  have  surpassed."  To  him  it  seemed  that  Lincoln  was  fortunate  in 

his  death,  since,  as  he  had  seen  the  virtual  conclusion  of  the  war, 

he  was  stuck  down  in  the  hour  of  victory,  rather  than,  like  most 

7 

men,  surviving  his  reputation  for  greatness. 

From  an  historical,  and  in  a sense  also  a literary  point  of 
vie?/,  the  outstanding  modern  Fnglish  treatment  of  Lincoln  is  the 
biography  by  Lord  Charnwood.  American  critics  agree  in  favorable 
comment  upon  the  book  which  they  pronounce  to  be  the  most  complete 
interpretation  of  Lincoln  yet  produced,  artistic  in  form,  obviousl?/ 
sympathetic , but  not  blindly  eulogistic.  Lord  Charnwood  is  said  to 
have  conscientiously  stressed  Lincoln’s  faults  to  avoid  any  tendency 
towards  hero  worship.  The  book  is  not  intended  as  "milk  for  babes," 
but  for  the  intelligent  whether  they  are  informed  or  not,  but  not  for 

O 

the  informed  unless  they  are  intelligent.  An  example  of  English  re- 
action to  the  book  is  found  in  the  words  of  Drinkwater,  who  thinks  it 
a "masterly  analysis  of  Lincoln’s  career  and  character"  and  " a model 

of  what  the  historian’s  work  should,  be."0  Lord  Charnwood  himself  ex- 
7 

Holland’s  edition  of  Walpole’s  Essays  Political  and  Biograohical , 
291-292. 

5 

Carl  Russell  Fish  in  American  Historical  Revie?/,  XXII.  413-415. 

Other  reviews  are:  F . k . Colby  in  Hew  Republic,  IX.  101-102,  Nov. 25, 

1916;  Nation.  CIV.  20-21.  Jan.  4,  W17T " and  D.  Howells  in  Harper’s 
Mag  a z iney1  "ujgXv 1 1 1 . 134-136,  Dec?  1915.  1 

3 

Editorial  note  to  Drinkwater  s Abraham  Lincoln,  Charnwood  s bio- 
graphy is  the  chief  source  for  this  play. 


8 


-50- 

perienced  astonishment,  when  his  book  appeared,  at  the  number  of  his 
acquaintances,  who,  he  discovered,  had  long  cherished  an  enthusiam 
for  Lincoln  and  had  made  themselves  familiar  with  him  through  Nicolay 
and  Hay . ^ 

A few  examples  will  serve  to  illustrate  Charnwood' s recogni- 
tion of  defects  in  spite  of  his  great  admiration  for  Lincoln.  He 
admits  that  Lincoln  was  inexperienced  in  military  affairs,  and  while 
he  attempted  to  understand  them  and  to  get  a clear  view  of  the  pro- 
blem as  a whole,  he  was  not  a strategist.  "He  could  pick  out  main 
objects,  but  a s to  how  to  economize  effort,  what  force  and  how  com- 
posed and  equipped  was  necessary  for  a particular  enterprise,  whether 
in  given  conditions  of  roads,  weather,  supplies,  and  how  long  it 
would  take,  any  clever  subaltern  with  actual  experience  of  campaigning 
ought  to  have  been  a better  judge  than  he."^  Whether  Charnwood’s 
judgment  is  correct  need  not  be  considered  here,  but  these  words 
show  that  Charnwood  made  an  effort  to  recognize  limitations  in  Lin- 
coln. 

It  seemed  to  Charnwood  also  that  Lincoln's  judgment  of  men 
was  not  always  sound.  His  own  sure  grasp  of  the  largest  things  in 
life  gave  him  a rare  knowledge  of  the  mind  of  people  in  the  mass, 
and  he  sometimes  developed  great  insight  in  regard  to  men  whom,  he  had 
known  long  or  who  had  been  involved  with  him  in  important  trans- 
actions. On  the  other  hand  he  had  no  gift  of  rapid  perception  and 
no  instinctive  tact  or  prudence  in  regard  to  the  numerous  men  with 
whom  he  had  slight  dealings.  This  lack,  said  Charnwood,  is  common 
in  men  who  have  risen  from  poverty,  for,  if  they  had  not  become  hard 

10 

Appendix,  67. 

11 

Charnwood,  Abraham  Lincoln,  272-277,  quotation  is  on  p.  277. 


• J If  .! 


. 


-51- 


and  suspicious,  they  were  not  alive  to  certain  minor  indications  by 
which  men  of  education  recognize  the  imposter.  They  are  also  in- 
dulgent to  little  meannesses  in  others  which  they  themselves  would 

12 

be  incapable  of  performing. 

These  illustrations  only  tend  to  show  that  the  book  is  in- 
tended to  be  a fair  portrayal  of  Lincoln.  The  appreciation  apparent 
throughout  the  book  is  the  more  valuable  because  of  this  willingness 
to  concede  that  Lincoln’s  character  was  not  oerfect,  but  human. 
Particular  appreciation  is  shown  for  Lincoln’s  literary  merits.  He 
describes  some  of  the  passages  in  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates  as 
arresting  for  their  simple  beauty,  and  of  their  kind  ”a  classic  and 
probably  unsurpassed  achievement.”  The  speech  at  Gettysburg  and  the 
second  Inaugural  Address  are  mentioned  as  the  chief  oustanding  ex- 
amples of  his  oratorical  power  which  was  individual  and  perhaps  more 
like  that  of  a great  speaker  in  drama  than  of  most  great  speakers  in 
history.  ' Lincoln’s  greatest  claim  to  distinction  as  a great  man, 
was  his  association  with  popular  government  and  his  belief  in  the 
possible  dignity  of  common  men  and  common  things. 

Another  noteworthy  illustration  of  the  admiration  expressed 
for  Lincoln  in  modern  English  writings  is  Drinkwater’s  little  book, 
Lincoln,  The  World  Emancipator.  To  this  author  Lincoln  represents 
the  spiritual  liberator  of  mankind,  for  "among  all  men  in  the  modern 
history  of  the  world  there  is  none  who  has  so  persuasively  that 
magnetic  union  of  mastery  and  sympathy  that  fills  our  minds  when  we 
12 

Charnwood,  Abraham  Lincoln,  163.  For  other  examples  see  po.  9, 

103,  153,  and  233.  “ 

13 

Ibid.,  435-436. 

14 

Ibid.,  452-453. 


1 


' 


« 


-52- 

1 R 

think  of  the  spiritual  liberator,  " 

The  main  theme  in  this  book  might  be  designated  as  the  moder- 
ating influence  of  Lincoln  in  the  feeling  between  England,  and  the 
United  States.  Drinkwater  grants  that  in  the  years  1851  to  1865 
there  was  a body  of  opinion  in  England  antagonistic,  "and  very 
stupidly  so,"  to  Lincoln,  including  a majority  in  governmental 
authority.  Yet  he  maintains,  and  rightly,  that  it  is  equally  true 
that  a large  and  very  populous  part  of  England  supported  the  Union. 
"There  are  still  living  men,"  Drinkwater  tells  us,  "who  remember  the 
almost  starving  crowds  of  cotton  operatives  kneeling  down  in  the 
great  town-square  at  Manchester  when  the  first  cotton  bale  was  brought, 
in  after  the  war,  and  it  was  an  act,  not  merely  of  thanksgiving  for 
returning  livelihood,  but  of  grave  assurance  that  the  right,  for 
which  they  had  suffered  three  thousand  miles  away,  had  won. ....  ^e  in 
England  today  who  look  to  Lincoln  as  the  exemplar  of  a crusade  in 
which  we  so  profoundly  believe,  are  not  without  an  ancestry  who 
would  bless  our  judgment . "-LD  In  Drinkwater’ s opinion  Lincoln  is  the 

reconciler  between  England  and  America,  and  is  tjrpical  of  the  best 

17 

qualities  of  the  two  nations. 

Cherishing  this  spirit  toward  Lincoln,  Drinkwater  has  in  his 
drama  given  to  the  world  an  excellent  literary  treatment  of  Lincoln, 
and  one  which  has  had  a great  appeal  to  the  hearts  of  Englishmen  and 
Americans  alike.  The  reception  accorded  the  play  in  England  is  as 
significant  of  the  admiration  felt  for  Lincoln  as  is  the  text  of  the 
15 


16 


17* 


Drinkwater,  Lincoln,  The  Uorld  Emancipator,  1. 
Ibid.,  37-38. 


Ibid. , 83-84, 


"■ 


-53- 


play  itself.  Arnold  Bennett,  in  his  introductory  notes,  describes 
briefly  the  history  of  the  presentation  of  the  play,  and  suggests 
what  appear  to  him  to  be  the  reasons  for  its  great  success.  It  was 
originally  produced  by  the  Birmingham  Repertory  Theater,  and  had 
great  success  there.  The  rumor  of  this  success  reached  London,  but 
theater  managers  there  ignored  it.  T!'rhen  Nigel  Playfair  and  Arnold 
Bennett  started  the  Hammersmith  Playhouse  for  presentation  of  the 
best  plays,  they  inquired  about  the  Lincoln  drama,  and  decided  to 
produce  it.  The  first  appearance  was  a tremendous  success,  both  for 
author  and  for  William  J.  Rea,  the  Irish  actor  who  played  the  role 
of  Lincoln.  Bennett's  reason  warned  him  that  the  play  should  not 
succeed  for  it  had  no  love  interest,  and  was  a political  play  with  a 
theme  of  a sort  never  before  imposed  upon  a London  public;  his  in- 
stinctive feeling,  however,  that  it  was  bound  to  succeed,  proved  to 
be  correct.  "Nobody,"  worte  Bennett  in  April  1919,  "can  dine  out  in 
London  today  and  admit  without  a blush  that  he  has  not  seen  Abraham 
Lincoln.  Monarchs  and  princes  have  seen  it.  Archbishops  have  seen 
it."18 

Bennett  ascribes  the  success  of  the  play  to  the  following 
causes;  the  author,  with  a deep  practical  knowledge  of  the  stage, 
disdained  all  stage  tricks;  he  had  not  only  selected  for  his  hero  one 
of  the  world's  finest  and  greatest  characters,  but  he  handled  his 
gigantic  theme  with  simplicity;  he  had  the  courage  of  his  artistic 
and  moral  convictions;  and,  finally,  a great  contributing  factor  was 
the  emotional  power  with  which  Rea  played  the  role  of  Lincoln. 

Bennett's  attempt  to  analyze  the  reaction  of  the  audience  is 
interesting.  "At  the  end  of  the  first  scene  the  audience,  vaguely 
18 

See  also  Lincoln  Holding  the  London  Theater  Forld  in  Literary 

Digest , July  28,  1919. 


-54- 


feeling  the  spell,  wonders  what  on  earth  the  nature  of  the  spell  is. 
At  the  end  of  the  play  it  is  perhaps  still  wondering  what  precisely 

the  nature  of  the  spell  is But  it  fully  and  rapturously  admits 

the  reality  of  the  spell.  Indeed  after  the  fall  of  the  curtain,  and 
after  the  many  falls  of  the  curtain,  the  spell  persists,  the  audience 
cannot  somehow  leave  its  seats,  and  the  thought  of  the  worry  of  the 
journey  home  and  of  last  busses  and  trains  is  banished.  Strange 
phenomenon!  It  occurs  ever?/  night. 

Assuredly  no  one  can  read  the  play  without  being  alive  to  its 
spell,  for  Drinkwater  has  caught  the  spirit  of  Lincoln’s  personality 
which  is  felt  by  everyone  today,  but  which  rarely  finds  as  adequate 
an  expression.  The  play  skillfully  blends  historical  incidents  and 
familar  sayings  of  Lincoln,  not  neglecting  to  recognize  the  opposi- 
tion with  which  he  was  forced  to  contend.  A fine  appreciation  of  the 
mercy  of  Lincoln  and  of  his  real  abhorrence  for  the  war  which  he  felt 
was  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  is  shown  in  the 
passage  giving  Lincoln's  answer  to  a woman  who  advocated  harsh  treat- 
ment of  the  South,  "I  accepted  this  war  with  a sick  heart,  and  I’ve 
a heart  that’s  near  to  breaking  every  day.  I accepted  it  in  the 
name  of  humanity  and  just  merciful  dealing,  and  the  hope  of  love  and 

charity  on  earth.  And  you  come  to  me,  talking  of  revenge  and 

20 

destruction,  and  malice  and  enduring  hate.”"' 

The  words  spoken  by  the  chronicler  at  the  close  of  the  play 
fittingly  portray  the  impression  of  Lincoln's  greatness  existing 


19 


20 


Bennett  in  Introduction  to 
Drinkwater,  Abraham  Lincoln 


Drinkwater 's  Abraham  Lincoln, 
, Scene  III. 


IX-XII. 


' 

: 

■ 

I ■ 


-55- 

throughout  this  literary  interpretation  of  the  character  of  Lincoln, 

"But,  as  we  spoke,  presiding  everywhere 

Upon  event  was  one  man’s  character 

And  that  endure;  it  is  the  token  sent  ? 

Always  to  man  for  man's  own  government." 


21 

Drinkwater,  Abraham  Lincoln,  closing  words  of  the  play. 


-56- 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  LINCOLN  IN  ENGLAND  TODAY. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  seen  how  modern  English  writ- 
ers have  taken  a position  of  admiration  and  praise  of  Lincoln.  In 
the  present  chapter  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  show  the  growth  of  the 
influence  of  Lincoln  in  the  minds  and  lives  of  the  English  people. 

His  present  fame  could  scarcely  present  a more  marked  contrast  to  the 
prophecy  made  by  an  English  journalist  in  1863,  ’’Happy  will  it  be  for 
him  if  at  the  end  of  his  troubled  career,  health,  a good  appetite, 
and  the  power  to  indulge  in  his  little  jokes  be  still  left  to  him; 
happy  also,  if  he  do  not  expect  the  gratitude  which  he  will  never  ob- 
tain, or  any  other  place  in  his  country’s  history  but  that  reserved 
for  all  weak  men  of  good  intentions  who  do  mischief  without  meaning 
it,  and  ruin  the  country  which  it  was  their  ambition  to  save."^ 

The  total  unfulfillment  of  this  forecasting  of  Lincoln's  obli- 
vion is  shown  in  Drinkwater's  words,  "Already  half  a century  after 
his  death,  the  mind  of  man  perceives  in  this  single-hearted  champion 
of  a moral  idea  a figure  to  whom  all  sorrows  and  ambitions  may  be 
brought, a touchstone  by  which  every  ideal  of  conduct  may  be  tried,  a 

p 

witness  for  the  encouragement  of  the  forlornest  hope."  Fe  have  seen 
the  beginning  of  the  process  by  which  Lincoln  has  reached  his  present 
fame  in  the  outburst  of  sympathy  at  rraise  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
This  attitude  was  not  lost  after  the  first  shock  of  his  assassination 
had  passed  away.  The  change  was  permanent  and  ever  increasing.  Lord 

Charnwood,  born  in  1864,  tells  us  that  he  cannot  remember  the  time 

1 

The  Times,  June  13,  1863.  (New  York  correspondent). 

2 

Drinkwater,  Lincoln,  the  World  Emancipator,  4. 


-57- 

when  Lincoln* s name,  as  a great  man  and  as  the  emancipator  of  the 
slaves  in  America,  was  not  familiar  to  him.  To  illustrate  this  he 
tells  of  an  incident  in  his  boyhood  when  he  was  staying  at  an  English 
country  house,  and  was  asked  to  name  his  three  chief  heroes  in 
history.  At  his  reply,  **Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Oliver  Cromwell,  and 
Abraham  Lincoln," the  older  people  present  differed  about  his  choice 
of  Cromwell,  but  Raleigh  and  Lincoln  seemed  to  them  natural  choices 
for  an  English  boy  to  make. 

From  Lincoln's  assassination  down  to  the  present  day  there  are 

many  instances  of  esteem.  An  example  is  the  favorable  notice  given 

to  Lincoln's  biography  by  Nicolay  and  Hay  in  the  isso.es  of  the 

Spectator  in  April  and  Hay,  1891.  These  notices  contain  nothing  but 

praise  of  Lincoln, and  give  especially  favorable  comment  upon  his 

4 

speeches  and  writings. 

A noteworthy  instance  of  Lincoln's  increasing  influence  is 
the  reception  given  to  the  address  of  Joseph  H.  Choate  before  the 
Edinburgh  Philosophical  Institution,  November  13,  1900.  Choate  de- 
clares that  the  English  people  were  eager  to  learn  about  a man  whose 

5 

record  seemed  to  them  little  short  of  miraculous.  His  address  was 

given  high  oraise  by  The  Times  as  a glowing  tribute  to  one  of  the 

most  remarkable  representatives  of  the  typical  American  character 

that  is  recorded  in  history.  The  American  ambassador,  said  The  Times 

saying  of 

did  not  use  exaggerated  language  in/the  object  of  his  eulogy,"  when 
he  died  by  the  assassin's  hand,  in  the  supreme  hour  of  victory,  the 

3 

Appendix,  66. 

4 

The  Spectator,  LXVI.  563,  April  25,  1891.  LXVI . 628-629  .May  2.  1891. 

5 ' 

Choate,  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Other  Addresses  in  England,  preface,  VI. 


; M 


; 


58- 


vanquished  lost  their  best  friend  and  the  human  race  one  of  its 
noblest  examples.”^ 

The  centenar?/-  of  Lincoln’s  birth  was  made  the  occasion  of 
comments  upon  the  place  he  held  in  English  opinion.  The  House  of 
Commons  applauded  the  reading  of  a despatch  from  the  British  govern- 
ment tendering  its  sympathy  with  this  celebration.  The  two  addresses 
delivered  by  Lord  Bryce  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  are  notable  ex- 
pressions of  sympathy.  Mentioning  the  names  of  famous  Englishmen 
born  that  year,  Tennyson,  Gladstone,  and  Darwin,  Lord  Bryce  said 
that  while  Lincoln  had  quit  this  world  long  before  them,  he  had  left 
a record  to  which  a long  life  could  scarcely  add  more  luster.  Lin- 
coln will  endure,  he  added,  in  memory  as  one  who  saved  the  American 

Republic  by  his  wisdom,  constancy,  and  faith  in  the  people  and  in 
7 

freedom. 

An  interesting  tendency  often  manifested,  is  the  comparison  of 
Lincoln  with  other  men  of  high  rank,  and  especially  with  great  Eng- 
lish statesmen.  As  early  as  1865  Goldwin  Smith  wrote  that  no  popu- 
lar chief  had  played  so  great  a part  since  Cromwell,®  while  recently 
Drinkwater  wrote  that  Lincoln  and  Cromwell  both  rose  from  comparative 
obscurity  to  the  direction  of  a troubled  people.®  Another  example  is 
6 

The  Times,  Nov.  14,  1900.  For  comment  on  this  address  and  one  by 
Whitelaw  Reed  on  the  same  topic,  see  Living  Age,  March  4,  1911,  572. 
This  article  points  out  the  sure  appeal  of  Lincoln  to  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  Englishmen. 

7 

Lincoln  Centennial  Addresses,  29-35,  83-87.  Lhe  one  entitled  Char- 
acter and  Career '"of  "Abraham  Lincoln  is  also  in  Bryce’s  University  and 
Historical  Addresses. 

8 

Macmillan,  XII.  176. 

9 

Drinkwater,  Lincoln,  The  ^orld  Emancipator,  80. 


-59- 


Hugh  Sadler's  comparison  of  Lincoln  and  Disraeli.  While  these  two  men 
grew  up  in  widely  differing  environments,  and  possessed  the  greatest 
disparity  of  temperament,  both  rose  to  the  highest  place  in  their 
respective  countries,  and  each,  surmounting  the  greatest  obstacles, 
became  a trusted  leader  of  a nation. 

During  the  Great  War  English  writers  thought  that  they  saw 
elements  of  similarity  in  the  ideals  of  Lincoln  and  President  Wilson. 
F.  W.  Wile  at  the  Lincoln  celebration  in  London  in  1918  said  that 
there  was  another  Lincoln  in  the  White  House,  "a  man  as  averse  from 
war  as  Lincoln  was,  and  who  faced  its  immeasurable  trials  and  sacri- 
fices unflinchingly  and  unafraid.."11  In  a brief  poem  R.  W.  Macon  helftl 
that  the  spirit  of  Lincoln  was  not  dead,  for  "Wilson's  are  Lincoln's 
words  to  living  men."10 

One  of  the  ways  in  which  Lincoln's  influence  has  been  mani- 
fested was  in  the  comments  elicited  by  the  presentation  of  Lincoln 
statues  by  Americans  to  the  people  of  England.  The  controversy  re- 
garding the  relative  merits  of  the  Barnard  and  St.  Gaudens  tatues, 
and  the  ultimate  decision  to  send  both  to  England,  do  not  concern  us 
here,  but  some  of  the  words  uttered  at  that  time  are  significant  of 
the  feeling  toward  Lincoln.  For  example,  "the  country  will  warmly 
welcome  a representation  worthy  of  this  illustrious  American  states- 
10 


Hugh  Sadler,  Contrasts- -Ben;] amin  Disraeli  and  Abraham  Lincoln.  Liv- 
ing Age.  March  18,  1916,  754-759.  

11 

The  Times,  Feb.  13,  1918. 

12 

Ibid.,  Apr.  7,  1917. 

13  ™ 

The  course  of  this  controversy  may  be  followed  in  the  columns  of 
The  Times.  The  references  are  too  numerous  to  mention  here,  but 
may  easily  be  found  in  the  index  of  The  Times,  and  cover  the  per- 
iod 1914  to  1920  when  the  final  unveiling  of  the  statues  occurred. 


-60- 


man  in  the  capitol  of  the  Empire"14  and  "By  all  means  let  us  have  our 
memorial  of  Lincoln,  whos  size  and  achievement  were  never  so  fully 
recognized  in  England  as  today."  The  importance  ascribed  to  the 
erection  of  these  statues  is  also  shown  in  the  elaborate  plans  for 

*i  r* 

the  unveiling  ceremonies. 

The  addresses,  editorials,  and  articles  which  appeared  at  thfe 

time  bespeak  an  understanding  of  Lincoln  not  to  be  surpassed  by  his 

most  fervent  followers  in  this  country.  All  of  the  words  express  not 

only  a deep  admiration  for  Lincoln,  but  an  almost  anxious  hope  for 

17 

ever  increasing  friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries. 

During  the  Great  War  Lincoln's  name  was  often  spoken  in  Eng- 
land in  other  connections  as  well  as  in  the  interest  displayed  in  the 
18 

statues.  ' An  early  indication  of  this  is  found  in  the  publication 
of  a card  entitled,  "Lincoln's  Mar  Motto,"  giving  the  closing  words 

1 Q 

of  the  Second  Inaugural.  ' Various  meetings  held,  on  Lincoln's  birth- 

14 

Sir  A.  Mond,  House  of  Commons,  Oct.  18,  1917,  quoted  in  The  Times, 
Oct.  19,  1917. 

15 

The  Times,  Sept.  24,  1917. 

16 

The  ceremony  at  Man  Chester  is  described  in  The  Times,  May  6,  1919, 
while  that  at  Westminster  is  found  in  the  issues  July  10  and  29, 
1920,  the  former  giving  the  plans  for,  and  the  latter  the  report 
of  the  ceremony. 

17 

Good  examples  are: 

Editorial  in  The  Time s , July  29,  1920. 

The  speech  of  the  Duke  of  Cornaught  reported  in  the  above  issue 
An  article  by  Lord  Charnwood  in  T'he  Times,  July  28,  1920. 

In  relation,  to  this  subject  it  is  interesting  to  know  that  The 
Times , Feb.  24,  1921,  reproduced  a cut  of  the  Lincoln  Memorial  soon 
to  be  dedicated  at  Washington. 

18 

See  Appendix,  67. 

19 

Notice  of  this  appeared  in  The  Times , Aug.  20,  1914, 


-61- 

day  or  at  the  anniversary  of  his  death,  in  1915,  1917,  1918,  and  1919 
show  how  earnest  were  his  admirers  in  England.^0  The  speeches  made 
refer  to  Lincoln's  inspiration  in  the  war  then  in  progress,  and  urge 
the  leaders  and  people  to  emulate  his  patience  and  fortitude. 

Illustrative  of  the  use  of  Lincoln's  name  to  further  the  in- 
terest of  Anglo-American  friendship  is  the  message  of  February  12, 
1917,  sent  by  Lloyd  George  at  the  request  of  Charles  H.  Grasty  of 
the  Hew  York  Tribune.  In  this  message  he  expressed  his  admiration  of 
Lincoln's  statesmanship,  declaring  his  belief  that  the  battle  then 

being  fought  was  in  reality  the  same  battle  which  Americans  had 

21 

fought  under  Lincoln's  leadership. 

Lincoln  was  frequently  quoted  as  an  example  for  Englishmen  to 

follow.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  endeavor  to  overcome  the 

opposition  to  the  proposed  measures  of  conscription.  Citing  Lincolrfs 

use  of  the  draft  as  a precedent,  Englishmen  made  appeals  to  their 

countrymen  to  use  every  means  to  fight  their  cause  with  the  same  re- 

22 

solution  and  the  same  success  as  Lincoln  had  fought  his.~ 

Lincoln's  proclamation  of  April  19,  1861  establishing  a block- 
ade of  the  Southern  ports  was  said  to  lend  interest  to  the  free  dis- 
cussion of  the  press  of  the  United  States  of  Great  Britain's  pro- 
clamation of  a blockade  of  Germany,  and  the  suggestion  was  made  that 
20 

Accounts  of  such  meetings  appear  in  The  Times,  Apr.  16,  1915,  Feb. 
13,  1917,  Fev.  13,  1918,  and  Feb.  13,  1919. 

21 

The  Times,  Feb.  12,  1917.  For  a similar  idea  see  the  quotation 
from  nloyd  George  on  the  cover  of  the  Independent,  Feb.  26,  1917. 

22 

The  Times,  Apr.  16,  1915  (editorial).  Article  entitled  The  Ameri- 
can Precedent,  ibid. . Dec.  30,  1915.  Bonar  Law  in  House  of  Commons, 
quoted  in  The  Times,  Apr.  11,  1918. 


-62- 

the  British  government  might  follow  his  firmness  of  attitude  as  a 
valuable  precedent. 

Englishmen  today  are  almost  unanimous  in  claiming  that  Lincoln 
is  not  only  a great  American,  but  one  of  the  noblest  men  of  the  Eng- 
lish race.  This  attitude  was  foretold  by  James  Pussell  Lowell  in 
1864  in  a letter  to  Motley,  in  which  he  was  discussing  the  relations 

between  England  and  America.  Lowell  wrote,  "It  won’t  be  long  before 

24 

Victoria  addresses  Abraham  as  consanguineus  noster. 

Choate’s  statement  that  the  English  people  were  proud  to  claim 
Lincoln  as  one  of  the  greatest  treasures  of  the  English  speaking 

p c 

race  finds  ample  justification.  The  English  journalist  who  com- 
mented upon  Choate’s  address  declared  that  in  Lincoln  were  drawn  to- 
gether all  the  best  characters  of  Anglo -Saxondom,  and  that  he  had 

given  absolute  practicality  to  the  virtues  which  had  emerged  through 

26 

centuries  as  most  praiseworthy  in  those  who  used  the  English  tongue. 

The  Spectator  at  the  centenary  of  Lincoln’s  birth  declared 
him  to  be  already  established  as  one  of  the  greatest  Anglo-Saxon 
heroes.  Moreover,  he  was  a typical  one,  because  he  possessed  the 
qualities  of  simplicity,  calmness,  justice,  humor,  and  courage  which 
appeal  to  the  English  speaking  race.  His  name  called  forth  the  big- 
gest cheers  of  any  American  mentioned  in  England.^7 

23 

The  Times,  Jan.  21,  1916. 

24 

Curtis,  Motley,  II.  197.  Lowell  to  Motley,  Dec.  28,  1864. 

25 

Choate,  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Other  Addresses  in  England,  Preface, VI. 

26 

Spectator,  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  Living  Age,  March  4,  1911,  572. 

27“ 

Ibid. , Feb.  13,  1909.  Also  Atkins,  The  Life  of  Sir  William  Howard 
Hus sell,  II.  5 for  similar  words. 


-63- 


It  is  almost  amusing  to  note  the  attempts  to  trace  Lincoln’s  ancestry 
far  back  into  English  sources.  Falter  Aye  thinks  he  had  succeeded 
in  tracing  the  name  ’’Abraham  Lincoln"  to  an  English  ancestor  born 
about  1685.^ 

Drinkwater  happily  expresses  the  bond  between  America  and 
England  in  Lincoln  in  the  words,  "In  salient  qualities  an  Englishman 
finds  his  own  best  potentiality  expressed  as  surely  and  fully  in 
Lincoln  as  if  though  this  man  had  spent  his  life  in  an  English  en- 
vironment  The  best  thought  in  everr  land  is  becoming  more  and 

more  aware  of  Lincoln's  greatness,  but  it  is  with  no  jealous  sense 
of  proprietorship  that  we  know  that  the  last  essence  of  that  great- 
ness must  remain  always  in  clearer  revelation  to  us--I  embody  my 
hopes  by  speaking  already  of  America  and  England  as  us- -than  to  the 

QQ 

rest  of  the  world." 

Bryce  tells  us  that  Lincoln  was  of  both  American  and  English- 
stock,  and  grew  up  under  the  influence  of  tradition  common  to  the 
English  race.  In  introducing  the  American  ambassador,  Elihu  Root,  at 
the  ceremony  of  the  unveiling  of  the  St.  G-audens  statue  in  England, 
Bryce  said,  "Thus  thinking  of  him  as  belonging  to  both  branches  of 
the  old  stock,  we  wish  to  commemorate  him  here  among  the  great  ones 

of  England To  us  he  stands  as  a model  of  that  uprightness  and 

loyalty  and  truth,  that  steadfastness  and  courage,  which  men  of 
British  stock  had  so  often  displayed  in  war  and  peace.  He  is  ours, 
Mr.  Root,  almost  as  much  as  he  is  yours  (cheers)  --  a pledge  of 
28 

Walter  Aye,  Abraham  Lincoln,  His  Ancestry  and  Name  in  the  Literary 
Supolement  to  The  Times,  Lee . 57  1918. 

29  ' * 

Drinkwater,  Lincoln,  the  World  Emancipator,  43-48. 

For  Charnwood's  statement  that  Lincoln  ranks  as  the  greatest  of  our 
race,  see  his  Abraham  Lincoln,  451. 


64- 


30 

brotherhood  and  of  friendship. ” 

At  the  same  ceremony  Lloyd  George  gave  excellent  expression  to 
Lincoln’s  position  as  a -world  figure.  The  words  of  this  statesman 
may  fittingly  stand  as  the  final  embodiment  of  English  opinion  of 
Lincoln  today.  After  declaring  that  Lincoln’s  mere  features  were 
probably  more  widely  known  than  those  of  any  other  statesman  of  the 
world,  he  said,  ’’I  doubt  whether  any  statesman  who  ever  lived  sank 
so  deeply  into  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  many  lands  as  Abraham 
Lincoln  did.  I am  not  sure  that  you  Americans  realize  the  extent  to 
which  he  is  also  our  possession  and.  our  pride.  His  courage,  fortitude 
patience,  humanity,  clemency,  his  trust  in  the  people,  his  belief  in 
democracy,  and,  may  I add,  some  of  the  phrases  in  which  he  gave  ex- 
pression to  those  attributes,  will  stand  forever  as  beacons  to  guide 
troubled  nations  and  their  perplexed  leaders.  Resolute  inwar,  he  was 
moderate  in  victory.  Misrepresented,  misunderstood,  under-estimated, 
he  was  patient  to  the  last.  But  the  people  believed  in  him  all  the 
time,  and  they  still  believe  in  him.  In  life  he  77 as  a great  Ameri- 
can. He  is  an  American  no  longer.  He  is  one  of  those  giant  figures, 
of  whom  there  are  very  fev7  in  history,  who  lose  their  nationality  in 
death. 


30 

The  Times,  July  29,  1920. 

31 


Ibid. , July  29,  1920. 


65- 


APPENDIX 

LETTER  0^  LORD  CHARNWOOD 


108  Eaton  Square,  S.  W. 
15  Nov.  1921 


My  dear  Miss  Williams, 

I am  sorry  that,  having  been  very  busy,  I reply  somewhat  late 
to  your  letter.  You  will  I fear  find  it  difficult  to  discover  de- 
finite sources.  Probably  you  know  the  verses  in  which  our  Punch 
after  his  death  offered  amends  for  its  previous  caricatures  of  him. 

I have  seen  the  said  caricatures  bitterly  complained  of  by  an  Ameri- 
can writer,  but  they  do  not  seem  to  me  ill-natured,  and  they  are  not 
a bit  more  disrespectful  than  Punch*  s caricature  of  thoroughly  re- 
spected statesmen  here  at  the  time.  The  verses  are  good.  They  of 
course  are  significant  of  a wide  spread  feeling.  But  there  is  little 
else  to  refer  you  to  because  the  English  books  dealing  with  American 
politics  or  recent  American  history  have  all  along  been  few,  as  have 
been  the  American  books  of  a corresponding  sort  dealing  with  England, 
and  prevailing  opinion  on  such  subjects  has  to  be  found  so  to  speak 
in  the  air. 

Very  significant  of  feeling  here  after  Lincoln' s death  is  the 
fact  that  the  University  of  Cambridge  in  1866  set  him  as  the  subject 
for  the  prize  Latin  Oration,  ^his  proves  that  he  had  already  taken 
rank  as  a popular  hero.  The  prize  oration  was  by  a student  who  is 
now  Sir  John  Sandys  and  has  been  "Public  Orator"  at  Cambridge  and  is 
a considerable  scholar.  It  dwelt  upon  just  those  pathetic  and  moving 
circumstances  of  his  humble  origin  and  tragic  death  and  those  obvious  • 
ly  enduring  features  of  his  character,  his  clemency  and  pitifulness, 
which  a young  fellow  of  his  age  would  have  been  able  to  tumble  to. 

If  I remember  (for  I have  read  it)  there  is  rather  a fine  passage 


-66- 

about  his  entry  into  Richmond  after  it  had  fallen.  I fear  I cannot 
procure  it  for  you. 

Of  his  statesmanship  I do  not  suppose  that  any  general  esti- 
mate at  all  was  found  at  first.  The  misunderstanding  of  the  causes 
and  issues  of  the  Civil  War,  among  the  leading  political  and  literary 
people  in  London  though  not  equally  so  in  the  bulk  of  the  nation, 
was  complete  and  profound.  They  knew  no  more  about  it  than  the 
people  among  you  who  expected  an  Anglo -Japanese  alliance  against  you 
lately,  knew  about  England.  So  it  was  as  personally  a noble  and 
lovable  man,  and  as  having  borne  the  burden  of  the  war  bravely  and 
patiently,  that  he  became  well  known  here;  probably  without  at  first 
any  widespread  opinion  one  way  or  the  other  as  to  the  Y/isdom  of  his 
statesmanship.  Anyhow,  I,  who  was  born  1864,  cannot  remember  the 
time  when  his  name,  as  a great  man  and  as  the  emancipator  of  the 
slaves  in  America,  was  not  familiar  to  me.  I recall,  as  illustra- 
ting this,  that  when  I was  about  16  or  17  I v/as  staying  at  a more  or 
less  typical  English  country  house,  and  was  asked  by  an  elderly 
gentleman  there  wh o were  my  three  chief  heroes  in  history,  and 
answered,  "Sir  ^alter  Raleigh,  Oliver  Cromwell,  and.  Abraham  Lincoln." 
The  two  or  three  older  people  before  whom  T was  subjected  to  this 
testing  question,  naturally  rather  differed  about  my  choice  of  Oli- 
ver Cromwell,  but  I can  distinctly  remember  that  Raleigh  (about  whom 
I now  have  my  doubts)  and  Lincoln  evidently  seemed  to  them  natural 
choices  for  an  English  boy  to  have  made.  This  is  a very  trivial  in- 
cident but  it  is  enough  to  bear  out  my  general  impression  that  by 
that  time  Lincoln's  name  was  currently  accepted  here  as  that  of  one 
of  the  great  historical  heroes.  I find  that  Chsrles  G.  Leland's 
little  Life  of  him  was  written  for  a firm  of  publishers  here  who 
went  in  specially  for  popular  literature,  in  1879,  and  formed  one  of 


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a series  of  such,  biographies,  13  I think  in  all,  which  included  such 
great  figures  as  Alexander,  Hannibal,  and  Charlemagne. 

Lincoln’s  name  was  thus  widely  held  in  honour,  not  the  less 
for  the  fact  I cannot  point  to  any  marked  trace  of  this  in  books  of 
the  time  which  have  a permanent  value  and  which  you  would  be  able  to 
find  easily,  a fact  which  of  course  could  be  found  to  apply  equally 
to  most  illustrious  figures.  Similarly,  though  no  English  person  of 
my  age  can  forget  that  Garibaldi  was  a household  word  in  our  very 
early  years  and  has  continued  so,  there  has  been  no  important  book 
about  him  in  England  till  very  recent  years. 

When  the  war  broke  out  in  1914  it  was  remarkable  how  Lincoln 
began  to  be  quoted  and  appealed  to  as  an e xample  and  authority  in  the 
English  press ,- -particularly  in  the  Spectator  and  The  Times.  And 
when  my  own  book  appeared  I was  astonished  at  the  number  of  my  own 
acquaintances  who,  I discovered,  had  long  cherished  an  enthusiasm  for 
Lincoln  and  had  made  themselves  familiar  with  him  through  Uicolay 
and  Hay.  The  present  Prime  Minister,  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  is  among 
those  who  have  several  times  told  me  of  their  life-long  devotion  to 
Lincoln.  He  constantly  refers  to  Lincoln’s  life. 

I am  sorry  that  I can  give  you  little  but  this  testimony  of  an 
individual  observer.  I find  hO¥ievcr  one  authority  to  which  you  might 
well  refer.  Herbert  Paul’s  History  of  Modern  England  (published  by 
Macmillan);  Vol.  II,  pages  298-300,  and  372.  Mr.  Paul,  though  now  in 
ill  health,  was  for  many  years  one  of  our  leading  journalists,  a man 
of  letters  with  a great  knowledge  of  political  life,  and  his  book  is 
by  far  the  most  important  book  on  the  period  of  Engiish  history  which 
it  covers,  so  that  your  University  Library  ought  to  possess  it  and 


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probably  does  so. 
spread  opinion. 


His  estimate  of  Lincoln  is  typical  of  very  wide- 
wish  I could  help  you  better. 

Very  truly, 

Charnwood . 


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BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


I.  Government  Documents  and  Publications . 

Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States, 
first  and  third  sessions  of  the  thirty- 
ninth  Congress. 

Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  especially 
CLXV,  CLXI , and  CLXXVIII. 

Senate  Documents,  third  session  of  the  thirty- 
seventh  Congress. 

Tributes  of  the  Nations,  Government  Printing 
Office  1867. 

Unofficial  Record. 

Moore,  Frank,  The  Rebellion  Record 
(eight  volumes)  (New  York,  1864). 

II.  Newspapers  and  Periodicals. 

American  Historical  Revie?;,  XXII.  413-415. 

Harper’s  Magazine,  Dec.  1915. 

Howell’s,  W.  D. , Charnwood's  Biography 
of  Lincoln. 

Independent,  Feb.  26,  1917. 

Quotation  on  cover  from  Lloyd  George. 

Literary  Digest. 

1.  Deciding  on  Barnard’s  Lincoln  without 

Seeing  it,  Jan.  18,  1919. 

2.  British  Drama  of  Lincoln,  Dec.  28,  1918. 

3.  Lincoln  Holding  the  London  Theater 

World,  June  28,  1919. 

Living  Age. 

1.  Hugh  Sadler,  Contrasts  - Benjamin  Disraeli 

and  Abraham  Lincoln,  March  13,  1916. 

2.  Spectator,  Abraham  Lincoln,  March  4,  1911. 

3.  Review  of  Drinkwater’s  play,  March  8,  1919. 

London  Quarterly  Review. 

1.  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Abraham 

Lincoln,  Aprii  1866. 

2.  The  Message  of  President  Lincoln  to 

Congress,  Jan.  1862. 

Macmillan’ s Magazine . 

1.  Goldwin  Smith,  The  Death  of  President 
Lindoln . 

Edward  Dicey,  Lincolniana 
June  1865 


f ; 


r.  • 


' 


-70- 

2.  Goldwin  Smith,  President  Lincoln. 

Peb.  1365. 

3.  Special  Correspondent  in  America, 

Washington  during  the  War, 

May  1862. 

The  Nation,  Jan.  4,  1917. 

Review  of  Charnwood' s biography. 

The  New  Republic,  Nov.  25,  1915. 

Review  of  Charnwood’ s biography. 

Punch,  1361-1865. 

Saturday  Review. 

Jan.  17,  1863,  Oct.  29,  1864,  Nov.  26, 

1864,  Apr.  29,  1865. 

Spectator. 

Jan.  17,  1863  and  Feb.  13,  1909. 

The  Times,  especially  1861-1865,  1900,  1909, 
1914-1920. 

Tribute  of  the  Nations,  contains  a vast  amount 
of  material  from  the  press  of  all  parts  of 
Engl and . 

Wilson,  Rufus  R.,  Lincoln  in  Caricature. 

Printed  for  private  distribution,  1903. 

Gives  reproductions  of  caricatures  from 
Punch  and  Vanity  Fair. 

III.  Auto-biographies,  Biographies,  and  Diaries. 

Adams,  Henry,  Education  of  Henry  Adams. 

(Boston  and  New  York,  1913). 

Atkins,  John  Black,  The  Life  of  Sir  Williams 

Howard  Russell,  Two  volumes,  (London,  1911). 

Charnwood,  Godfrey  Rathbone  Benson,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  (London,  1917). 

Layard,  George  Somes,  A Great  Punch  Editor, 

Being  the  Life,  Letters  and  Diaries  of 
Shirley  Brooks.  (London,  1907). 

Ludlow,  J.  M. , President  Lincoln,  Self-Pourtrayed. 
(London,  1866). 

Morley,  John,  The  Life  of  Richard  Cobden,  two 
volumes.  (London,  1883  and  1908) 

Evers ley  edition. 

O'Brien,  R.  Barry,  John  Bright,  a Monograph. 

(Boston  and  New  York,  1911). 


'*  $ .1  -Tv  ' U 

■ 


. 


-71- 


Pierce.  Edward  L.,  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Charles 
Sumner,  four  volumes.  (London,  1378-1893). 

Russell,  William  Howard,  May  Diary  North  and 
South,  (Boston,  1863). 

Smith,  George  Barnett,  The  Life  and  Speeches  of 
the  Right  Hon.  John  Bright,  two  volumes. 
(London,  1881.). 

Trevelyan,  George  M, , The  Life  of  John  Bright. 
(Boston,  New  York,  and  London,  1913). 

IV.  Collections  of  Addresses,  Correspondence,  Essays, 

and  Speeches. 

Bryce,  James,  Character  and  Career  of  Abraham 

Lincoln,  University  and  Historical  Addresses. 
(New  York,  1913). 

Cairnes,  J.  E.,  Political  Essays,  (London,  1873). 

Choate,  Joseph  H. , Abraham  Lincoln  and  other 
Addresses  in  England.  (New  York,  1910). 

Curtis,  George  ¥.,  The  Correspondence  of  John 

Lothrop  Motley,  two  volumes  (New  York,  1899) . 

Ford,  Worthington  C.,  A Cycle  of  Adams  Letters  ^ 
1861-1865,  two  volumes  (Boston  and  New 
York,  1920). 

Holland,  Francis,  Essays  Political  and  Biograph- 
ical by  Sir  Spencer  ^alpole  (New  York,  1908). 

Rogers,  James  E.  T.,  Speeches  on  Questions  of 
Public  Policy  by  John  Bright,  two  volumes 
(London,  1868). 

Collections  of  Lincoln  Material  containing  English 

Writings. 

Blair,  F.  G.,  The  One  Hundredth  Anniverary  of  the 
Birth  of  Abraham  Lincoln  (Springfield,  1908). 

Davis,  Mary  Wnight,  The  Book  of  Lincoln 
(New  York,  1909). 

Krans,  Horatio  S. , The  Lincoln  Tribute  Book 
(New  York  and  London,  1909) . 

Lincoln  Centennial,  (published  by  Lincoln  Cen- 
tennial Commission,  1909) , contains  two 
addresses  by  Lord  Bryce. 

Lincoln  Obsequies,  compiled  by  a special  com- 
mittee under  David  T.  Valentine,  Clerk  of 


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the  Coramon  Council  (New  York,  1866). 

Oldroyd,  Osborn  H. , The  Poets’  Lincoln 
"(Washington,  D.  C.,  1915). 

VI.  Special  Works  on  the  American  Civil  War. 

Bernard,  Montague,  A Historical  Account  of  the 
Neutrality  of  Great  Britain  during  the 
American  Civil  War  (London,  1870). 

Cairnes,  J.  E. , The  Slave  Power  (London,  1863, 
second  edition) . 

Spence,  James,  The  American  Union  (London, 

S 1862,  fourth  edition) . 

Trollope,  Anthony,  North  America,  two 

volumes  (London,  1862). 
v 

VII.  Special  Treatment  of  Lincoln. 

Drinkwater,  John,  Lincoln,  the  World  Emancipator 
(Boston  and  New  York,  1920). 

Also  his  drama,  Abraham  Lincoln  (Boston  and 
New  York,  1919) . 

VIII.  Miscellaneous. 

Paul,  Herbert,  A History  of  Modern  England,  five 
volumes  (London  and  New  York,  1904). 

Personal  letter  from  Lord  Charnwood,  see  Appendix. 


* 


I 


f 


. 


